*)G 21 1991
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ZHIO
*JG 21 1991
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THE LITERATURE AND
HISTORY OF
NEW TESTAMENT TIMES
The Historical Background of
Christianity
The Early History of
Christianity
By John Gresham Machen
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
THE PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION
AND SABBATH SCHOOL WORK
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction 3
Lesson
1 . The New Testament 5
2. The Roman Background of Christianity 10
3. The Greek Background of Christianity 15
4. The Jewish Background of Christianity: I. Palestinian Judaism. . 21
5. The Jewish Background of Christianity: II. The Judaism of the
Dispersion 26
6. The Messiah 31
7. The Book of The Acts 36
8. The Cross and the Resurrection the Foundation of Apostolic
Preaching 41
9. The Beginnings of the Christian Church 46
10. The First Persecution 51
1 1 . The First Gentile Converts 56
12. The Conversion of Paul 60
13. The Church at Antioch 67
14. The Gospel to the Gentiles 75
15. The Council at Jerusalem 81
16. The Gospel Carried Into Europe 86
17. Encouragement for Recent Converts 92
18. The Conflict with the Judaizers 97
19. Problems of a Gentile Church 103
20. The Apostle and His Ministry 109
21. The Gospel of Salvation 115
22. Paul's Journey to Rome 120
23. The Supremacy of Christ 124
24. The Church of Christ 129
25. Christ and His Followers 133
26. Training New Leaders 138
27. A Presentation of Jesus to Jewish Christians 147
28. A Graphic Sketch of the Life of Jesus 154
29. A Greek Historian's Account of Jesus 158
30. The Testimony of the Beloved Disciple 165
31. The Jesus of the Gospels 174
32. A Document of the Jerusalem Church 178
33. Jesus the Fulfillment of the Old Testament 184
34. Christian Fortitude 189
35. The Christian's Attitude Toward Error and Immorality 194
36. The Life of the Children of God 198
37. The Messages of the Living Christ 203
38. A Vision of the Final Triumph . ^ 209
39. Review 213
40. The Church and the World 219
41. The Christian Message 225
42. The Word and the Sacraments 231
43. Prayer 238
44. The Congregation 244
45. The Relief of the Needy 249
46. Organizing for Service 255
47. A Mission for the World 261
48. The Christian Ideal of Personal Morality 266
49. Christianity and Human Relationships 271
50. The Christian Use of the Intellect 277
51. The Christian Hope and the Present Possession 282
52. Retrospect: the First Christian Century 287
Copyright, 1915, by John Gresham Machen
INTRODUCTION
The general purpose of this course of lessons has been set forth
in the introduction to the Student's Text Book. There is a tendency
in the modern Church to neglect the study of Bible history. Such
neglect will inevitably result in a loss of power. The gospel is a
record of something that has happened, and uncertainty about the
gospel is fatal weakness. Furthermore the historical study of the
apostolic age — that age when divine revelation established the
great principles of the Church's life — is the best corrective for a
thousand vagaries. Much can be learned from modern pedagogy;
but after all what is absolutely fundamental, both for teacher and
for student, is an orderly acquaintance with the Bible facts.
The Teacher's Manual, therefore, is intended not merely to
offer suggestions as to methods of teaching, but primarily to sup-
plement the teacher's knowledge. A teacher who knows only
what he actually imparts to the class is inevitably dull. The true
teacher brings forth out of his treasure things new and old.
The sections in the Teacher's Manual, since they are intended
to be supplementary, should not be read until after careful attention
has been paid to the corresponding sections in the Student's Text
Book. Moreover, both sections together are of course in them-
selves insufficient. They should be supplemented by other read-
ing. Suggestions about reading have been put at the end of every
lesson. Here, however, a few general remarks may be made.
Davis' "Dictionary of the Bible" and Purves' "Christianity in
the Apostolic Age," which have been recommended even to the
student, will be to the teacher almost invaluable. The earnest
teacher will also desire to refer to good commentaries on The Acts.
The commentaries which have been mentioned in connection with
the individual lessons are based upon the English Bible ; but every
teacher who has any knowledge of Greek, however slight, should
use, instead, the commentary of Knowling, in "The Expositor's
Greek Testament." For the life of Paul, Lewin's "Life and
Epistles of St. Paul" and the similar book of Conybeare and
Howson are still very valuable for their vivid and extended
descriptions of the scenes of the missionary journeys. A similar
4 INTRODUCTION
service is rendered, in more up-to-date form, by the various works
of Ramsay. Stalker's "Life of St. Paul" is a good handbook.
M'Clymont's "New Testament and Its Writers" contains in-
structive, though very brief, introductions to all of the New Testa-
ment books. Hastings' "Dictionary of the Bible" and "Dictionary
of Christ and the Gospels" number among their contributors
many writers of many opinions. They are rich in references to
the vast literature of modern Biblical discussion.
The writer of this course has derived information from many
quarters. Definite acknowledgment of indebtedness, since no
originality is claimed, may be regarded as unnecessary. It is a
pleasure, however, to render special thanks to Rev. Professor William
Park Armstrong, D. D., of Princeton Theological Seminary, whose
wise counsel has been of incalculable assistance at many points.
The actual presentation of the lessons will, of course, vary
according to the needs of the classes and the preferences of the
teachers. The Student's Text Book may often provide a con-
venient order of presentation. That book is intended not merely
to be read, but also to be studied. It is to be regarded as a sort
of outline of the course.
The "topics for study" are intended to serve a double purpose.
In the first place, they will test the student's knowledge of the
lesson material ; in the second place, they will afford encouragement
to special investigation. Individual topics may often be assigned
for thorough treatment to individual students, while the class as a
whole may use all the topics as guides to a general knowledge.
Personal interest in the individual students is of the utmost im-
portance. Instruction has a tenfold value when it is backed by
friendship. The relation of the students to the Church should
be a matter of especial concern. If any member of the class has
not confessed his faith in Christ, the study of this year offers
abundant opportunity for a word in season. Our study reveals the
Church as a divine institution. Shall we then stand aloof?
In this course the teacher has the opportunity of introducing
young people of maturing minds to the historical study of the New
Testament. There could be no more inspiring task. Carried
about with every wind of doctrine, the Church is sadly in need of
an assured anchorage. That anchorage should be sought in
history. Ignorance is weak; sound knowledge, sought with prayer,
and blessed by the Spirit of God, will lead to a more stalwart and
more intelligent faith.
LESSON I
THE NEW TESTAMENT
This is an introductory lesson. It should be used, first of all,
to answer intelligent general questions about the New Testament.
Some of these questions will be discussed briefly under Sections
1 to 3, below.
The historical study of the New Testament, based upon a study
of the circumstances under which the individual books were written,
will probably be new to many of the students. The new point of
view should be used to awaken interest. The climax of the lesson
should, however, be a presentation of the unity of the New Testa-
ment as the very Word of God to us. Historical study should be
made — and can be made — subservient to reverent and thankful
obedience.
1. THE ORIGIN AND MEANING OF THE NAME
The English word "testament" comes from a Latin word. The
equivalent Greek word is hard to translate. As used in the Greek
Bible it may mean either "covenant" or "testament." Usually it
should probably be translated "covenant."
The phrase "new covenant" occurs about five times in the New
Testament. In none of these passages does the phrase refer to
the "New Testament" in our sense. It designates a new relation-
ship into which men have been received with God. The old
covenant was made, through the mediatorship of Moses, with the
Hebrew nation; the new covenant, hinted at in prophecy, Jer.
31 : 31, and instituted by the Lord Jesus, I Cor. 11 : 25, was made
with all those, of every tribe and tongue and people and nation,
who should through faith accept the salvation offered by Christ.
Those who believe become, like Israel of old, God's chosen people,
and enter into the warmth and joy of the divine communion. The
names "old and new covenants," then, were applied first to these
two special relationships into which God entered with men. After-
wards the names were applied to the books in which the conditions
of those relationships were set forth. Perhaps it would have been
6 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
better if we had started to say "New Covenant" where we now say
"New Testament." At any rate the idea alluded to in the
name is the inspiring idea, realized in Christ, of an alliance
with God. The New Testament is the divine treaty by the
terms of which God has received us rebels and enemies into peace
with himself.
2. ONE BOOK, OR A COLLECTION OF BOOKS?
In the first place, the New Testament may be treated in every
respect as a single book. That course is adopted by many of the
most devoted lovers of the Bible. By them the Bible is treated
simply as a textbook of religion. Passages are quoted indiscrimi-
nately from all parts of it, without much regard to the context.
The wide differences of form and of spirit among the various books
are ignored. The historical implications of the books are of course
accepted as true, but practically they are left quite unassimilated.
Now let us be quite plain about one thing. The men who use
the Bible in this way are right in the main point. They treat the
Bible as the guide of life for time and for eternity. And if by the
use of the Bible we can come into communion with God, we can
afford to miss a good many other things. Nevertheless, the Bible
is as a matter of fact not a mere textbook of religion, and if we
treat it as such we miss much of its richness. If the Bible were
merely a systematic treatise, it would be far easier to interpret. The
interpreter would be spared a great deal of trouble, but the burden
would be heaped upon the preacher. As it is, the Bible is itself a
preacher, because it is in such close contact with the actual expe-
rience of men of flesh and blood. Its general teachings are given us
in large measure only through the medium of history, through the
medium of example. In order to arrive at the general truths, there-
fore, intellectual labor is often necessary. God has made things
harder for the intellect that he may strike home the more surely to
the heart. If Paul had written a systematic theology, the New
Testament way of salvation might in some ways have been plainer
than it is. It would have been plain to the intellect, but it would
have needed interpretation to the heart. Conviction can be
wrought only by the immediate impact of personal life. The
theology of Paul, of itself, might be a dead thing; the religious
experience of Paul, interwoven with his theology, and bared be-
fore us in the epistles, is irresistible.
In the second place, the historical form of the Bible may be
THE NEW TESTAMENT 7
considered at the expense of its spiritual content. The Bible may
be treated simply as a storybook. Such a method of treatment
is exceedingly common to-day. "The Bible as literature" is its
slogan. This treatment has simply missed the main point alto-
gether. It is incomparably inferior to that treatment which takes
the Bible as a mere textbook of religion. The Bible as an addition
to the world's history or the world's literature has, indeed, con-
siderable educational value. But it does not give eternal life.
A third method is possible, and that third method is right.
The historical and literary form of the Bible is recognized to the
full. But it is regarded not as an end in itself, but as a means
to an end. Historical study is necessary not only to establish
to the modern man the saving facts of the gospel, but also to do
justice to the dramatic narrative form in which God has revealed
to us his eternal will.
It is nearer the truth, then, to say that the New Testament is a
single book than to say that it is a collection of books. Its parts
differ widely among themselves, in authorship, in date, in circum-
stances, in aim. Those differences must be studied carefully, if
the full meaning is to be obtained. But widely as the New Testa-
ment writings differ among themselves, they differ yet far more
widely from all other books. They presented themselves originally
to the Church with a divine authority, which is foreign to the
ordinary writings of men. That authority has been confirmed
through the Christian centuries. Those who have submitted their
lives to the New Testament have never been confounded. The
New Testament has been to them the voice of God.
3. THE FOUR DIVISIONS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT
(1) The Gospels. — Christianity is based upon historical facts.
Attempts, it is true, are often made to separate it from history.
But they are bound to result in failure. Give up history, and you
can retain some things. But you can never retain a gospel. For
"gospel" means "good news," and "good news" means tidings,
information derived from the witness of others. In other words, it
means history. The question whether religion can be indepen-
dent of history is really just the old question whether we need a
gospel. The gospel is news that something has happened — some-
thing that puts a different face upon life. What that something is
is told us in Matthew, Mark, Luke and John. It is the life and
death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.
8 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
(2) The Book of The Acts.— The Book of The Acts is a history
of the extension of Christianity from Jerusalem out into the Gentile
world. It represents that extension as guided by the Spirit of
God, and thus exhibits the divine warrant for the acceptance of
us Gentiles, and for the development of the Christian Church.
It provides the outline of apostolic history without which we could
not understand the other New Testament books, especially the
epistles of Paul. It illustrates to the full what has been said above
about the value of the historical form in which the Bible teaching
is presented. By reading this vivid narrative we obtain an impres-
sion of the power of the Holy Spirit which no systematic treatise
could give.
(3) The Epistles. — The Epistles of the New Testament are
not just literature put in an epistolary form, but real letters. It is
true that the addresses of some of them are very broad, for
example, those of James and of I Peter; and that some of them
contain no specific address at all, for example, Hebrews and I John.
But the great majority of them, at least, were written under very
special circumstances and intended to be read first by very
definite people.
The chief letter-writer of the New Testament was the apostle
Paul. To a certain extent he used the forms of letter-writing of
his time, just as everyone to-day begins a letter with ''Dear Sir."
Within the last twenty years a great number of Greek private
letters, dating from about the time of Paul, have been discovered
in Egypt, where they have been preserved by the dry climate.
It is interesting to compare them with the letters of Paul. There
are some striking similarities in language; for both these letter-
writers and Paul used the natural language of daily life rather
than the extremely artificial language of the literature of that
period. To a certain extent, also, Paul used the same epistolary
forms. The differences, however, are even more instructive than
the resemblances. It is true, the Pauline epistles are not literary
treatises, but real letters. But on the other hand they are not
ordinary private letters intended to be read and thrown away, like
the letters that have been discovered in Egypt. Most of them
were intended to be read originally in churches. It is natural, then,
that they should have been written in a loftier style than is to be
found in mere business communications and the like. And if Paul
uses the epistolary forms of his time he uses them in an entirely
new way. Even the mere openings of the epistles are made the
THE NEW TESTAMENT 9
vehicle of Christian truth. "Grace to you and peace from God
our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ" — there is nothing like that
in contemporary letter-writing. The openings of the Pauline
epistles form an interesting study. They are varied with wonderful
skill to suit the varied character and subject matter of the letters
that follow. Paul is never merely formal.
The letters of Paul differ widely among themselves. The Epistle
to the Romans is almost a systematic exposition of the plan of
salvation. Philemon is concerned with a little personal matter
between Paul and one of his converts. But even where Paul is
most theological he is personal, and even where he is most personal,
he is faithful to his theology. Theology in him is never separate
from experience, and experience never separate from theology.
Even petty problems he settles always in the light of eternal prin-
ciples. Hence his letters, though the specific circumstances that
gave rise to them are past and gone, will never be antiquated.
(4) The Apocalypse. — The Christian life is a life of hope.
Inwardly we are free, but our freedom is not yet fully realized.
We are in danger of losing our hope in the trials or in the mere
humdrum of life. To keep it alive, the Apocalypse opens a glorious
vision of the future. The vision is presented in symbolical
language. It is not intended to help in any calculation of the
times and seasons. But it shows us the Lamb upon the throne —
and that is enough.
In the Library. — Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Bible, "Canon of the New Testament," "Covenant," "New Testa-
ment," and "Testament."
LESSON II
THE ROMAN BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
Christianity is not a human product. It is not to be explained
by what preceded it on the earth. It is a new beginning in history,
an immediate exercise of the divine power.
But though Christianity was not produced by men, it operates
upon men, and upon men subject to all the ordinary conditions of
earthly life. Primitive Christianity, then, which we shall study
this year, cannot be understood fully without an examination
of the historical conditions under which it arose.
In the class, the lesson should probably be approached through
the New Testament examples of the general principles which are
outlined in the lesson helps. Examples will be found in the passages
assigned in the Student's Text Book, and others should be sought
for elsewhere.
1. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE
By the middle of the first century before Christ the power of the
Roman republic extended around the Mediterranean Sea. Victories
abroad, however, were accompanied by serious troubles at home.
The increase of wealth and the importation of slave labor had
produced unfortunate social conditions. The realm had become
too large to be administered adequately by the old republican
government. Individuals sometimes obtained practical control
of affairs, and the state was torn by civil wars. Finally, in 49 B. C,
Julius Caesar entered Rome at the head of an army, and Roman
liberty was at an end. After the assassination of Caesar in 44 B. C,
there was a succession of civil wars, and then, by the victory of
Actium in 31 B. C, Octavius, who later assumed the name of
Augustus, became sole ruler. Augustus died in A. D. 14.
Subsequent emperors during the first century were: Tiberius
(A. D. 14-37), Caligula (A. D. 37-41), Claudius (A. D. 41-54),
Nero (A. D. 54-68), Galba, Otho and Vitellius (A. D. 69), Vespasian
(A. D. 69-79), Titus (A. D. 79-81), Domitian (A. D. 81-96), Nerva
(A. D. 96-98), Trajan (A. D. 98-117).
10
THE ROMAN BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY II
2. ROMAN ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE EMPIRE
The general advantages of the Roman imperial government have
been considered in the Student's Text Book. It will here be ad-
visable to consider one or two features a little more in detail. Much
of what follows can be illustrated from the New Testament; for
the acquaintance of New Testament writers, especially of Luke,
with Roman administration is not only accurate but also minute.
The students should be encouraged to seek New Testament illustra-
tions for themselves.
(1) The Provinces. — The provinces of the empire are to be
distinguished from the territories of subject kings or princes.
The latter were quite subservient to Rome, but were given more
independence of administration. A good example of such a subject
king, theoretically an ally, but in reality a vassal, was Herod the
Great, who ruled over all Palestine till 4 B. C.
The provinces themselves were divided into two great classes —
imperial provinces and senatorial provinces.
The imperial provinces were under the immediate control of the
emperor. They were governed by "legates," who had no regular
term of office, but served at the emperor's pleasure. The imperial
provinces were those in which, on account of unsettled conditions,
or for the defense of the empire, large bodies of troops had to be
maintained. Thus, by keeping the appointment of the legates
exclusively in his own hands, the emperor retained the direct
control of the all-important power of the army. A good example
of an imperial province is the great province of Syria, with capital
at Antioch. Palestine was more or less under the supervision of
the Syrian legate.
Districts different from the great imperial provinces, but, like
them, under the immediate control of the emperor, were governed
by "procurators." Judea, from A. D. 6 to A. D. 41, and from
A. D. 44 on, is an example.
The senatorial provinces were governed by "proconsuls," chosen
by lot from among the members of the Senate. The proconsuls
served for only one year. Even over these provinces and their
governors the emperor retained the fullest supervisory authority.
The senatorial provinces composed the central and more settled
portions of the empire, where large standing armies would not be
needed. Examples are Achaia, with capital at Corinth, and Cyprus
with capital at Paphos. Proconsuls of both of these provinces are
mentioned in the New Testament by name.
12 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
(2) Local Government. — The Romans did not attempt to in-
troduce perfect uniformity throughout the empire. The original
Greek unit of political life was the city, and Greek cities were
scattered over the east before the Roman conquest. With regard
to local affairs, many of the cities retained a certain amount of in-
dependence. It is interesting to observe the local peculiarities of
the cities described in The Acts.
In addition to the Greek cities, many of which were more or less
"free" in local affairs, many "Roman colonies" had been established
here and there throughout the empire. The original colonists
were often veterans of the Roman armies. Of course the populations
soon came to be mixed, but Roman traditions were cultivated in
the colonies more than elsewhere. A number of the cities of The
Acts were colonies, and one, Philippi, is expressly declared to be
such. Acts 16 : 12. In that city the Roman character of the
magistrates appears clearly from the Lucan narrative. There were
"praetors" and "lictors."
(3) Roman Citizenship. — Before New Testament times Roman
citizenship had been extended to all Italy. Italy, therefore, was
not a province or group of provinces, but was regarded as a part of
Rome. Outside of Italy Roman citizenship was a valuable special
privilege. It raised a man above the mass of the provincial popula-
tion. Some of the advantages of it appear clearly in the New
Testament narrative. Because Paul was a Roman citizen he was
legally exempt from the most degrading forms of punishment, and
had a right to appeal to the court of the emperor. Roman citizen-
ship was sometimes acquired by money, but Paul inherited it from
his father.
3. ROMAN RELIGION
Under the empire, Rome was possessed of a state religion. The
ancient gods of the republic were retained. There were great
divinities like Jupiter and Mars, and there were numberless private
divinities of individual households. The ancient religion had,
indeed, undergone modifications. New divinities in plenty had
been received. But the reception of the new did not involve aboli-
tion of the old. On the contrary, the gods of other peoples could
be accepted just because they were regarded as nothing but the
Roman gods under different names. Thus, long before the Christian
era, there had been a thoroughgoing identification of the gods of
Greece with the gods of Rome. The Greek Zeus, for example, was
THE ROMAN BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 1 3
identified with the Roman Jupiter; the Greek Ares with the Roman
Mars. The gods of countries other than Greece were also received,
though, as far as the city of Rome was concerned, with some con-
servatism.
In the Roman world, religion was a national affair. Worship
of the national gods was not only piety, but also patriotism. Pa-
triotism and religion were inseparably connected. Support of the
gods of Rome, even where personal faith in them had been under-
mined, was considered to be the duty of every loyal citizen.
The political aspect of Roman religion appears most clearly in
the worship of the Roman emperors. This remarkable develop-
ment appears from the beginning of the empire. Augustus, indeed,
refused to receive divine honors, at least in the west. But in the
east even he was worshiped, and as time went on the reluctance
of the emperors disappeared. Some of the worst of the emperors
were most insistent upon their own divinity.
Perhaps the first impulse of the modern man is to regard the
Caesar cult simply as a particularly despicable form of flattery.
In reality it was more than that. It was not established by
imperial edict. It was not dictated primarily by servile fear.
The Greek inhabitants of the empire really regarded Augustus as
their saviour. And so he was, as far as any man could be. He
saved them from the miseries of civil war, and from the rapacity
of the degenerate republic; he gave them peace and happiness.
And they responded by regarding him as a god.
To them it was natural. To them it was nothing new. Alex-
ander the Great had been regarded as a god long before the
Christian era. His successors in Syria and in Egypt had also
received divine honors. To the genuine Romans, the thing did not
come so easy. The Caesar cult, at least at first, was not developed
in the west. But even the Romans could worship the emperor's
"genius" or spirit, and from that to the actual worship of the
emperor was but a step. Essential to the whole process of deifica-
tion, both in Rome and in the east, was the close connnection in
ancient thinking between deity and humanity, and between re-
ligion and the state. If patriotism is religion, then the king is a
god.
The Caesar cult was the most palpable incorporation of the state
religion. Worship of the emperor, therefore, might well be the
test of loyalty to Rome. It could be practiced by skeptics and
philosophers. It could be practiced by the devotees of all religions —
14 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
save two. Jews and Christians alone could not bow at the emperor's
shrine, for their God was a God who could brook no rival. He
was not merely the greatest among many. He was the only Lord,
Maker of heaven and earth.
4. THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND SUBSEQUENT HISTORY
Between Christianity and the Roman state, with its official
religion, a life-and-death struggle was inevitable. But in the
providence of God it was delayed. The empire was used not to
crush Christianity but to open the world before it.
But was the empire really identical with the world? It seemed
so to the Romans and to the Greeks. To them the empire was the
world. And they were right. Not, of course, in a literal sense.
In the first century after Christ, vast civilizations — for example
the civilization of China — were already in existence. There were
great peoples of whom the Romans had never heard. But Roman
arrogance has at last been vindicated. For Rome was in reality
the key to subsequent history. Rome was the parent of Europe,
and Europe is moving the world. Even China is at last being
opened to the civilization of Rome. The Romans were right.
He who could master Rome would be master, one day, of the world.
It has been a long process. But God's plans are sure. Christian-
ity appeared at the one time when the world was open before it.
By the power of the divine Spirit it conquered the empire. The
empire dominated its barbarian conquerors. The barbarians are
the parents of modern civilization. Modern civilization is invading
the earth's remotest bounds. China, at last, is within our ken.
Realms long closed have at last been opened. Another great
opportunity! An opportunity for greed and selfishness! An
opportunity for a dismal skepticism! And an opportunity for the
Church of God!
In the Library. — Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Adeney,
article on "Caesar"; Gwatkin, articles on "Roman Empire," and
"Rome." Hastings, "Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics": Iverach,
article on "Csesarism." Westcott, "The Two Empires," in "The
Epistles of St. John," pp. 250-282. Ramsay, "The Cities of St. Paul,"
pp. 48-81.
LESSON III
THE GREEK BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
The purpose of the present lesson is to make the student feel
that the gospel was from the beginning a real gospel in a real world.
If we isolate the early preaching from its environment, we make it
seem like an unreal thing. Study of New Testament times makes
the New Testament itself become a more living, a more interesting
book.
In the Student's Text Book an outline of the Hellenistic age has
been provided. It has been supplemented below by illustrative
material. But in the class the lesson can probably be best
approached from the side of the New Testament itself. In what
languages is the Bible written? How did the New Testament come
to be written in Greek? What other languages are mentioned in
the New Testament? What light do these passages shed upon the
linguistic conditions of the time? What is the attitude of the apos-
tles toward Greek thought? Is that attitude altogether unfavorable,
or did the early missionaries ever lay hold upon the higher aspira-
tions of their Gentile hearers (Athens) ? Where did the missionaries
come into contact with heathen superstition ? (Several fine examples
in The Acts). What was the moral condition of the Greco-Roman
world? How was the Hellenistic age like our own? Why did God
send our Lord just in the first century? What was the social con-
dition of the early Christians? Do you think that was an advantage
or a disadvantage? What men of higher position are mentioned
in the New Testament? Questions like these will serve to relate
the general expositions in the lesson helps to the New Testament
itself. The lesson helps are intended to provide merely the pre-
suppositions necessary for intelligent study. God working for
real men in a real world — that is the subject of the lesson.
1. THE HELLENISTIC AGE
The Greek world culture which prevailed after the conquest of
Alexander was widely different from the Greek life of the classical
period. The earlier period is called the "Hellenic" period, the later
period is designated as "Hellenistic." When Greek thought made
15
l6 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
itself master of the world, it became mingled with numberless
foreign elements. The mixture appears most clearly, perhaps,
in the sphere of religion. Polytheism was capable of indefinite
expansion. New gods could easily be identified with the old, or
else be received along with them without a conflict. The religion
of the Greco-Roman world is therefore different from that of
ancient Greece. It is a curious mixture of the most diverse beliefs.
Nevertheless, the whole deserves to be called Hellenistic, because
even the most strikingly non-Grecian elements were usually sub-
jected more or less to the subtle molding of the Greek spirit.
The Hellenistic age used to be despised, but among modern
scholars it is coming into its own. Its literary products are ad-
mittedly inferior to the glories of the earlier age, but even in literature
its achievements are not to be despised, and in other spheres it is
supreme. Notably in mathematics and in natural science it was
the golden age. Euclid, the geometrician, lived three centuries
before Christ.
The learning of the Hellenistic age was centered in Alexandria in
Egypt, a city which had been founded by Alexander the Great.
Athens had, perhaps, ceased to possess the primacy. That fact
is typical of the time. Greek culture had ceased to belong to
Greece in the narrower sense. It had become a possession of the
world. The great library of Alexandria was a sign of the times.
The Hellenistic age was an age of widespread learning.
When Rome became master of the eastern world, conditions were
not fundamentally changed. Rome merely hastened a process that
was already at work. Already the nations had been brought
together by the spread of Greek culture; Roman law merely added
the additional bond of political unity. The Roman legions were
missionaries of an all-pervading Hellenism.
The Greco-Roman world was astonishingly modern. It was
modern in its cosmopolitanism. In our own time the nations
have again been brought together. The external agencies for
their welding are far more perfect to-day than they were under the
empire. Even the Roman roads would be but a poor substitute
for the railroad and the telegraph and the steamship. But on the
other hand we lack the bond of a common language. In some
ways the civilized world was even more of a unit in the first century
than it is to-day.
The cosmopolitanism of the Roman Empire was a God-given
opportunity for the Church. In a cosmopolitan age, if a man has
THE GREEK BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 1 7
something to say, he will not lack for an audience. His message
will be understood in one place as well as in another. The lesson
is obvious for the Church of to-day. Again God has opened the
world before us. If we have a message, in God's name let us pro-
claim it while yet there is time.
i 2. THE GREEK BIBLE
The Church originated in Palestine. The first missionaries were
native Jews. Yet even they had been affected by the cosmopolitan-
ism of the time. Even they could use Greek, in addition to their
native language. And Paul, the greatest of the missionaries,
though a Jew, was a citizen of a Greek city. The Church from the
beginning was able to speak to the larger world.
One difficulty might possibly have arisen. The Christian mission
was not carried on merely by the oral word. From the beginning
Christianity was a religion with a Book. And that Book was not
Greek. On the contrary it was intensely un-Grecian. The Old
Testament is intolerant of heathen ideas. It is deeply rooted in
the life of the chosen people. How could a Hebrew book be used
in the Greek world?
The difficulty might have been serious. But in the providence of
God it had been overcome. The Old Testament was a Hebrew
book, but before the Christian era it had been translated into Greek.
From the beginning Christianity was provided with a Greek Bible.
It is always difficult to make a new translation of the Bible. Every
missionary knows that. The introduction of a new translation
takes time. It was fortunate, then, that a Greek-speaking Church
had a Greek Bible ready to hand.
Everything was prepared for the gospel. God's time had come.
Roman rule had brought peace. Greek culture had produced
unity of speech. There was a Greek world, there were Greek-
speaking missionaries, and there was a Greek Bible. In the first
century, the salvation that was of the Jews could become a salva-
tion for the whole world.
3. THE PAPYRI
The world in which the gospel was proclaimed is deserving of
careful study. How shall it be investigated?
The most obvious way is to study the literature of the period.
Until recent years that was almost the only way. But that method
is partial at best. For literature is after all but an imperfect measure
Sen. t. m. 1.
1 8 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
of any age. The society that is found in books is an idealized
society, or at any rate it is the society of the great. The plain
man is unrecorded. His deeds are not deemed worthy of a place
in history.
Within the last thirty years, however, the plain people of the
ancient world have come remarkably into view. They are revealed
to us in the "non-literary papyri."
"Papyri" are pieces of papyrus. Papyrus was the common
writing material of antiquity up to about A. D. 300, when vellum,
or parchment, came into general use. Unfortunately papyrus,
which was made from the pith of the papyrus plant, is not a very
durable substance, so that ancient papyri have been preserved until
modern times only under exceptionally favorable conditions. These
conditions are found in Egypt, where the dry climate has kept the
papyrus from disintegration.
In Egypt, within the last thirty years, have been discovered
large numbers of papyrus sheets with Greek writing. Of these the
"literary papyri" contain simply parts of books. They differ
from other copies of the works in question only in that they are
usually older than the vellum manuscripts. The "non-literary
papyri," on the other hand, are unique. They are private docu-
ments of all sorts — receipts, petitions, wills, contracts, census
returns, and most interesting of all, private letters. It was usually
not intended that these documents should be preserved. They
were simply thrown away upon rubbish heaps or used as wrappings
of mummies. They have been preserved only by chance.
The non-literary papyri are important first of all in the study of
language. They exhibit the language of everyday life, as dis-
tinguished from the language of literature. The language of
literature always differs more or less from the language used on
the street, and the difference was particularly wide in the Greek of
the Hellenistic period. The books of the time were modeled to
a considerable extent upon the ancient classics, but the actual spoken
language had been changing. Hence the literary language had
become exceedingly artificial.
Up to within the last few years, the literary language alone could
be studied. The books of the period were preserved, but the
language of daily life was gone. Now, however, the papyri supply
what was lacking. In them there is no attempt at style. They
are composed in the language which was employed in the ordinary
affairs of life and preserve the actual spoken language of every day.
THE GREEK BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 19
At this point a remarkable fact must be noticed. The language
of the New Testament is more like the language of the non-literary
papyri than it is like the language of contemporary literature.
The papyri indicate, therefore, that the New Testament is com-
posed in the natural living language of the time rather than accord-
ing to the canons of an artificial rhetoric. The artlessness of the
New Testament has sometimes been regarded as a reproach.
Instead, it is a cause for rejoicing. The simplicity of the gospel
would only be concealed by niceties of style. The greatness of the
New Testament is independent of literary art. It would be a
mistake, however, to suppose that the New Testament, because it
is composed in the language of the people, is characterized by
anything like cheapness or vulgarity. On the contrary its simplic-
ity is the noble simplicity of truth. In the New Testament the
spoken language of the Greco-Roman world, in all its living
freshness, becomes a worthy vehicle for the sublimest thoughts.
The non-literary papyri, then, reproduce for us the spoken
language of the time as distinguished from the artificial language
of literature. But that does not exhaust their importance. They
afford a knowledge not only of language, but also of life. Through
them ordinary people are revealed in the ordinary relations of every
day. In them, the ancient world has been made to live again.
A few examples (see the book of Professor Milligan mentioned
at the end of the lesson) will serve to indicate the character of
the papyrus letters.
The following boy's letter (of the second or the third century
alter Christ) is written in very bad grammar, but is for that reason
all the more lifelike. (The translation is taken from Grenfell and
Hunt, "Oxyrhynchus Papyri," Part i., p. 186.)
"Theon to his father Theon, greeting. It was a fine thing of
you not to take me with you to the city! If you won't take me
with you to Alexandria I won't write you a letter or speak to you
or say good-by to you ; and if you go to Alexandria I won't take your
hand nor ever greet you again. That is what will happen if you
won't take me. Mother said to Archalaus, Tt quite upsets him
to be left behind (?).' It was good of you to send me presents . . .
on the 12th, the day you sailed. Send me a lyre, I implore you.
If you don't, I won't eat, I won't drink; there now!"
The following invitation to dinner, of the second century after
Christ, throws light upon I Corinthians (the translation taken
from Professor Milligan):
20 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
"Antonius, son of Ptolemaeus, invites you to dine with him at the
table of the lord Serapis in the house of Claudius Serapion on the
16th at 9 o'clock."
"The lord Serapis" is a god. Even an ordinary dinner party
seems thus to be regarded as the table of Serapis. Under such
conditions the Christian life must have been hard to lead. No
wonder the Corinthian Christians had to ask Paul questions. Even
the ordinary affairs of life were intimately connected with a false
religion. What should the attitude of the Christians be? Where
should they draw the line in associating with their heathen friends?
4. A REAL GOSPEL IN A REAL WORLD
The people that are introduced to us so intimately in the papyri
are probably very fair representatives of the people among whom
the gospel was first proclaimed. In that cosmopolitan age the
society of Egyptian towns was probably not so very different from
that of Corinth. The people of the papyri are not the great men of
the time; they are just plain folk. But the early Christians were
also usually not of exalted social position, though there were ex-
ceptions. "Not many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not
many noble" were called. I Cor. 1 : 26. Many of the early Chris-
tians were slaves, many were humble tradesmen. The same classes
appear in the papyri. In the papyri we are introduced into the
private lives of the men to whom the gospel was proclaimed.
Seeing, but unseen, hidden as by a magic cap, we watch them in
their most intimate affairs. And we come away with a new feeling
of the reality of early Christian history. These men were not so
very different from ourselves. They were real men and women,
living in a real world. And they needed a real gospel.
In the Library. — Hastings, " Dictionary of the Bible," extra vol-
ume: Ramsay, article on " Religion of Greece," pp. 109-156, especially
PP- I35_I56. Milligan, "Selections from the Greek Papyri," (with
translations). Deissmann, "The Philology of the Greek Bible," pp.
1-63, 144-147. Ramsay, "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 1-47. Brown-
ing, " Cleon," (vol. iv, pp. 1 15-122 of the Riverside Edition.)
LESSON IV
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
I. PALESTINIAN JUDAISM
1. SOURCES
The New Testament is one of the chief sources of information
about the Palestinian Judaism of the first century. Other im-
portant sources are the works of Josephus, a first-century Jewish
historian, and the Mishna. The Mishna is a collection of Jewish
interpretations of the Mosaic law. In its written form it is thought
to have been produced at the end of the second century, but it
contains a mass of earlier material which had been preserved by
oral tradition.
2. OUTLINE OF JEWISH HISTORY
After the conclusion of the Old Testament period the Jewish
nation had undergone important changes. If, therefore, the
Judaism of the first century is to be understood, the student must
have in mind at least a bare outline of the history between the
Testaments.
Old Testament history closes with the rebuilding of the walls
of Jerusalem and the reorganization of the national life which took
place under Ezra and Nehemiah in the fifth century before
Christ. At that time Judah, or "Judea," was the only part of
Palestine which was occupied by the Jews, and they occupied it
only as vassals — though with independence in internal affairs —
of the kings of Persia.
The Persian dominion continued for over a century. Then,
in the latter part of the fourth century before Christ, Judea was
conquered by Alexander the Great. For some hundred years after
the death of Alexander, the country was a bone of contention
between the kings of Egypt and the kings of Syria — that is, between
the Ptolemies and the Seleucids. At the beginning of the second
century before Christ the king of Syria won a permanent victory.
Under the Ptolemies and at first under the Seleucids, as well as
under the Persians, the Jews enjoyed a considerable measure of
independence in the management of their own affairs. Their re.
2\
22 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
ligion, in particular, was left quite unmolested. But the assimila-
tion which was not being accomplished by force was being accom-
plished by peaceful influences. The all-pervasive Greek culture
of the period was making itself felt in Palestine as well as elsewhere.
Judea seemed to be in danger of being Hellenized.
Under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes of Syria (175-164 B. C.),
however, the policy of toleration was suddenly interrupted. Anti-
ochus tried to stamp out the Jewish religion by force. The result
was a heroic uprising led by Mattathias and his sons, who are called
the Maccabees. The tyranny of Antiochus had caused a mighty
popular reaction against the Hellenizing party among the Jews.
Devotion to the religion of Israel with exclusion of foreign influences
was ever afterwards the dominant tendency in Jewish history.
The Maccabees were at first wonderfully successful against over-
whelming odds; and when the opposing forces seemed at last to
have become too powerful, internal conflicts at the Syrian court
gave the Jewish patriots that independence which they could
probably not otherwise have maintained. Rulers belonging to the
Maccabean dynasty governed the Jewish nation for about a
hundred years, during most of which period they were independent.
Their territory at first embraced only Judea, but was gradually
enlarged over the other parts of Palestine. Galilee, which — since
the*destruction of the northern Israelitish kingdom centuries be-
fore— had become predominantly Gentile, was Judaized under
Aristobulus I in 104-103 B. C. Before the time of Christ it had
become thoroughly Jewish.
Unfortunately the worldly power of the Maccabees had brought
worldliness of spirit. The first revolt had been undertaken from
a lofty religious motive, in order to maintain the worship of Jehovah.
As the years went on, the Maccabean rulers became increasingly
engrossed in the extension of political power. Allying themselves
with the aristocratic party among the Jews, they came to favor
the extension of those Greek influences — though not in the sphere
of religion — which at first they had opposed. Under Queen Alex-
andra (76-67 B. C.) it is true, there was a reaction. The strictly
Jewish, anti-Hellenistic party again became dominant. But under
Alexandra's successors there was civil strife, and the all-conquering
Romans found the country an easy prey. Pompey took possession
of Jerusalem in 63 B. C.
The years that followed saw the gradual rise of the family of
Herod the Great, who, as vassal of the Romans, became king of all
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 23
Palestine in 37 B. C. and ruled until 4 B. C. Herod was an
Idumsean, not a genuine Jew. Idumaea, however, the country
to the south of Judah, had been Judaized some time before. Herod
was at heart a Hellenist. He built Greek theaters and amphi-
theaters not only in the numerous Greek cities in or near Palestine,
but also in Jerusalem itself. Nevertheless he was wise enough to
support the Jewish religion and generally to respect the customs of
the people. His magnificent rebuilding of the temple was probably
intended chiefly to win popular favor.
At Herod's death, his territory was divided among his sons.
Archelaus was given Judea, Antipas — the "Herod" of Jesus'
public ministry — received Galilee and Perea, with the title of "Te-
trarch," and Philip received certain territories to the east of Galilee.
Archelaus was banished in A. D. 6, Antipas was banished in A. D.
39, and Philip died in A. D. 33. After the banishment of Archelaus,
Judea was administered by Roman procurators till A. D. 41, when
all Palestine was given to Herod Agrippa I. Acts 12 : 1-4,
18-23. After A. D. 44, procurators were again in control.
The misgovernment of the procurators led to the great revolt
in A. D. 66. After four years of war, Jerusalem was taken by the
Roman army in A. D. 70. The temple was destroyed, and the
offering of sacrifices ceased. The destruction of the temple marks
an epoch in Jewish history. Henceforth the national center was
gone.
There was another uprising in A. D. 132-135, but that was the
last. A Gentile city was erected on the ruins of Jerusalem, and
for a considerable time at least the Jews were forbidden even to
enter its precincts.
3. ADMINISTRATION AND PARTIES
After the return from the Exile, the priests occupied a position
of leadership. The high priest, whose office was hereditary, was
practically head of the Jewish state. With him was associated a
council, composed of members of the priestly aristocracy. This
state of affairs prevailed during the Persian and Greek periods.
Under the Maccabees the power of the high priest reached its
highest point. For after a time the Maccabean rulers themselves
assumed the title of high priest, and still later the title of king.
The high priest, then, under the Maccabees, was also king. Under
Herod the Great, on the contrary, the high priesthood sank to its
lowest ebb. Herod made and unmade high priests at pleasure.
24 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
The council associated with the high priest was, under Alexandra,
opened to the members of the strict anti-Hellenistic party. At the
time of Christ it included both Pharisees and Sadducees.
These parties became distinct at the time of the Maccabees.
The Sadducees — the origin of the name is not altogether clear —
were the aristocratic party, hospitable to Greek culture. The
Pharisees were the strict Jewish party, devoted to the law, and
opposed to foreign influences. The name "Pharisee" means
"separated." The Pharisees were "separated" from the mass
of the people by a stricter observance of the Mosaic law. At first
the Pharisees supported the Maccabean leaders; for the Maccabean
revolt was in the interests of the Jewish religion. But when the
Maccabees became engrossed in worldly politics and susceptible
to Greek influences the Pharisees opposed them. At the time of
Christ the essential characteristics of the parties remained un-
changed.
4. LANGUAGE
Some centuries before Christ, Hebrew had ceased to be the
ordinary language of Palestine. As the language of the Old
Testament it continued to be studied. Old Testament passages
in Hebrew were read in the synagogue. Hebrew was used also to
some extent as the language of learned discussion. But for all
ordinary purposes its place had been taken by Aramaic, a language
of the Semitic family closely related to Hebrew. At the time of
Christ Aramaic was the spoken language of the Palestinian Jews.
Even in the synagogues, the Old Testament passages, after having
been read in Hebrew, were translated orally into the language which
the people could understand.
But, since the time of Alexander the Great, another language had
made its way into Palestine along with Aramaic. This was
the Greek. The kingdoms into which Alexander's empire was
divided were Greek kingdoms. Two of them, Syria and Egypt,
bore rule alternately over Palestine. With the Greek government
came Greek culture and the Greek language. Then, under Anti-
ochus Epiphanes, there was a mighty reaction. Thereafter religion,
at least, was kept altogether free from Greek influences.
In other spheres, however, under the Maccabean kings and
still more under the Romans, Greek culture effected an entrance.
At the time of Christ there were typical Greek cities not only to
the east of the Jordan in Decapolis, where magnificent ruins even
to-day attest the ancient Greco-Roman civilization, and not only
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 25
along the coast of the Mediterranean, but even within the confines
of Palestine proper. With some truth Palestine in the first century
may be called a bilingual country. Greek and Aramaic were both
in use.
Aramaic was the language of the mass of the people. Many,
no doubt, could speak no other language. But if a man desired
to make his way in the world in any public capacity or in trade he
would be obliged to learn the cosmopolitan language of the time.
No doubt very many could speak both languages.
Jesus and his apostles belonged to those circles which were
least affected by the encroachments of Greek civilization. The
whole atmosphere of the Gospels is as un-Greek as could be imagined.
As is proved by the presence of Aramaic words even in our Greek
Gospels, Aramaic was undoubtedly the language in which the gospel
was originally proclaimed. Aramaic was the language of Jesus'
boyhood home, and Aramaic was the language of his intercourse
with the disciples and of his public preaching.
It is perfectly possible, however, that even Jesus may have used
Greek upon rare occasions, for example in conversation with Pilate,
the Roman procurator. His disciples, after the resurrection, found
themselves at the head of a Greek-speaking community. The early
Church in Jerusalem was composed not only of ''Hebrews," but
also of "Grecians," or Hellenists. Acts 6:1. The Hellenists
were Greek-speaking Jews of the dispersion who were sojourning
more or less permanently in the holy city. The apostles seem to
have entered upon their new functions without difficulty. Some
knowledge of Greek, no doubt, all of them brought with them
from their Galilean homes, and their knowledge would be increased
through practice. It is not surprising then that several of the
original apostles and two of the brothers of Jesus were the authors
of Greek books of the New Testament.
In the Library. — Riggs, "A History of the Jewish People," espe-
cially pp. 105-116, 143-153, 215-231. Davis, "Dictionary of the
Bible": articles on "Council," "Pharisees," "Sadducees," "Synagogue,"
" School," " Scribe," "Aramaic," and " Hebrew." The outline of Jew-
ish history and institutions which is provided in the lesson helps for
this lesson and the following is dependent especially upon the large
German work of Schiirer.
LESSON V
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
II. THE JUDAISM OF THE DISPERSION
The presentation of the lesson in class may be begun somewhat
in the manner suggested in the Student's Text Book. The student
should be made to appreciate the practical problem of a missionary
in a new city. Various solutions of the problem may be adopted.
The missionary may simply engage in conversation with individuals
in the street, or he may hire a room and advertise his preaching.
In any case the securing of an audience is usually no easy matter.
It is difficult to know how to begin.
The case might naturally have been the same with Paul and his
companions when, for example, after the journey up from Perga
they arrived at Pisidian Antioch. Complete strangers were
perhaps not much better received in those days than they are now.
How could the missionaries get a hearing for their message? In
some cases, they might simply take their stand in the market place
and talk to the passers-by. Paul tried that method in Athens.
It might do when nothing better offered. But fortunately there
was usually a far better opportunity. The synagogue offered an
audience. What is more, it offered just exactly the most promising
audience that could possibly have been secured.
The scene in the synagogue at Pisidian Antioch is typical of
what happened again and again. The student should be made
to appreciate the remarkable liberality and informality of the
synagogue customs. There seem to have been no set preachers.
Any Jew who really had a message could be heard. He needed
only to go in and sit down. Acts 13 : 14. Paul and Barnabas
had no difficulty in making their fitness known. "Brethren," said
the rulers of the synagogue, "if ye have any word of exhortation
for the people, say on." Acts 13 : 15. They had a word of ex-
hortation indeed. "Jesus is the Messiah for whom you are waiting.
He has died for your sins. He has risen from the dead, and is
now alive to save you." It was a powerful word, and it bore fruit.
The native Jews, it is true, soon came out in opposition. The
26
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 2J
reasons for their opposition are not far to seek. Jealousy was an
important factor. Christianity was evidently too radical a thing
to be simply a sect of Judaism. If allowed to continue, it would
destroy the prerogatives of Israel. It could not be controlled.
Its success was too great. On that next Sabbath in Pisidian
Antioch, "almost the whole city was gathered together to hear
the word of God." The Jewish mission had never had a success
like that. "When the Jews saw the multitudes, they were filled
with jealousy." Christianity had taken away the heritage of
Israel.
In one way the Jewish opposition displayed genuine insight into
the situation. Christianity was really destined to be a fatal rival
to the older Judaism. What took place on a small scale at Antioch
was repeated on the larger stage of history. When the Christian
mission began, Judaism was a successful missionary religion. Soon
afterwards it had withdrawn hopelessly into its age-long isolation.
Various causes contributed to this result. The destruction of the
national life in Palestine and the increasing influence of the strict
rabbinical schools both had an important part. But at least one
factor in the process was the competition of the Christian Church.
Christianity offered the world everything that Judaism could offer,
and more. It offered the knowledge of the one God, and the lofty
morality, and the authoritative Book. In addition, it offered a
way of redemption — and the men of that time were preeminently
seekers after redemption — through the sacrifice of Christ. It
offered all these things, moreover, without requiring any relinquish-
ment of purely national characteristics. Christianity did not de-
mand union with any one race. It had a gospel for the world.
No wonder, then, that those who had been attracted by Judaism
now became adherents of Christianity. The Jews were filled with
envy. It was natural from their point of view, but it was a sad
mistake. Had they themselves accepted the gospel, the gospel
would have been to their glory. How glorious was the mission of
Israel! A blessing to the whole world! Far better than any
narrow particularism! But they were not willing to accept the
message. Nevertheless, despite their opposition, the Church
should not forget the debt which she owes to Israel. The dispersion
was like the J udaism of Palestine. I n both cases the men themselves
were opposed to the gospel. But in boch cases they had preserved
the deposit of divine truth. Judaism, despite itself, opened the
way for the Christian Church.
$8 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
One service which the dispersion rendered to Christianity has
been illustrated by the scene at Pisidian Antioch. That service
was the providing of an audience. Another service "was the assur-
ance of legal protection. This may be illustrated by another
incident in The Acts — the appeal to Gallio. Acts 18 : 12-17.
There the opposition of the Jews appears in all its bitterness. No
doubt that opposition was a serious hindrance to the work of the
Church. Just because Christianity was regarded as a Jewish sect,
the Christians were subject to persecution by the Jewish authorities.
But persecutions by the Jews, annoying though they were, were
far less serious than opposition on the part of the Roman authorities.
And the latter was, at first, conspicuously absent* Gallio's deci-
sion is a fair example of the general attitude of the Roman
magistrates. Christianity, as a Jewish sect, was allowed to go its
way. Judaism, despite itself, afforded the Church legal protection.
Beginning with these two striking scenes, the teacher may
proceed to the more general presentation of the lesson. In what
follows, the outline of the Student's Text Book will be supple-
mented at one or two points.
1. THE CAUSES AND EXTENT OF THE DISPERSION
Deportations of Jews to foreign countries took place at various
times. The most famous of those deportations was carried out
by Nebuchadnezzar after his conquest of Judah, about 600 B. C.
Many of Nebuchadnezzar's captives did not join in the return under
the Persian monarchy, but remained permanently in the east and
formed the nucleus of the large Jewish population of Mesopotamia.
When Pompey conquered Palestine in the first century before
Christ, he carried many Jews as slaves to Rome. Afterwards they
were liberated, and formed a large Jewish colony at the capital of
the empire. These are merely examples. Part of the dispersion
was due to forcible exile.
Other causes have been mentioned in the Student's Text Book.
It is a question, however, whether all of these causes combined are
sufficient to account for the extraordinary growth of the dispersion.
Schurer believes that the vastness of the Jewish population presup-
poses the merging of large bodies of proselytes into the Jewish
people. He also believes, however, that these thoroughgoing con-
versions were less numerous in New Testament times than they
had been before.
Harnack calculates that at the time of the death of Augustus
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 29
there were from four million to four and a half million Jews in
the Roman Empire, including about seven hundred thousand in
Palestine, and that, if that estimate be correct, then the Jews
formed perhaps some seven per cent of the total population. Of
course, Harnack is himself the first to admit that such calcula-
tions are exceedingly uncertain. But so much at least is clear —
the Jews in the first century were surprisingly numerous.
2. THE SEPTUAGINT TRANSLATION AND THE LANGUAGE OF
THE NEW TESTAMENT
The name "Septuagint," derived from the Latin word for
"seventy," has been applied to the Alexandrian translation of the
Old Testament in reference to an ancient story about its origin.
According to this story, the translation was made by seventy-two
men summoned from Jerusalem by Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of
Egypt, in order to add the Jewish law to the royal library at Alex-
andria. The story is certainly not true in details, and is probably
not even correct in representing the translation as destined primarily
for the royal library. More probably the translation was intended
for the Greek-speaking Jews of Egypt.
The Septuagint is a translation of the Hebrew Old Testament
into the Greek world language of the period, and into the popular,
spoken form of that language, not into the literary form. The
translation differs widely in character in the different books, for
many different translators had a part in it. Some of the books are
translated with such slavish literalness as to be almost unintelligible
to a Greek. Everywhere, indeed, the influence of the Hebrew
original makes itself felt to some degree. Hebrew idioms are often
copied in the translation instead of being remolded according to the
peculiarities of the Greek language.
The Septuagint exerted an important influence upon the language
of the New Testament. The Septuagint was the Greek Bible of
the New Testament writers, and the influence of a Bible upon
language is very strong. A good example is afforded by the influence
of the King James Version upon the whole development of modern
English. It is not surprising, therefore, that as the Septuagint
was influenced by Hebrew, so the language of the New Testament
also displays a Semitic coloring. That coloring was induced partly
by the Septuagint, but it was also induced in other ways. Part of
the New Testament, for example the words of Jesus, goes back
ultimately to an Aramaic original. All the New Testament
30 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
writers except one were Jews, and had spoken Aramaic as well as
Greek. No wonder, then, that their Greek was influenced by the
Semitic languages. This Semitic influence upon the language of
the New Testament is not so great as was formerly supposed, but
it cannot be ignored. The New Testament is written in the natural,
non-literary form of the Greek world language. That is the main
thing to be said. But upon this base is superposed an appreciable
influence of Hebrew and Aramaic.
The importance of the Septuagint for the early Christian mission
was inestimable. Every pioneer missionary knows how difficult
it is to create the vocabulary necessary to express new religious
ideas. In the case of the earliest Christian mission, that labor had
already been done. It had been done by the Jews of Alexandria.
By the Septuagint, the great ideas of the Old Testament — and
upon these ideas Christianity was based — had already been put
into a Greek form. The Christian Church needed only to develop
what had been begun. The Church made good use of her opportu-
nity. The influence of the Septuagint upon the religious vocabulary
of the New Testament writers was profound. The Septuagint had
provided a vocabulary which was understood already by great
masses of people — by the Jews of the dispersion and by the hosts
of the "God-worshipers" who attended the synagogues. Naturally
the Christian missionaries used the words which people could
understand.
3. CONCLUSION
The Judaism of the dispersion was a wonderful preparation for
the gospel. Israel ought to be regarded with gratitude and sym-
pathy. But the ultimate object of gratitude is God.
The Church was founded in a time of opportunity. The Roman
Government had brought peace. The Greek language had welded
the nations together. The dispersion of the Jews had prepared the
way. These things did not come by chance. The nations were in-
struments in the hand of God. But instruments for what? A
mighty, age-long plan! Centuries of preparation! At last the
Saviour came. But did he come for naught? Or is he Saviour
of you and me?
In the Library. — Edersheim (revised by White), "History of the
Jewish Nation,"' pp. 45-79. "The Jewish Encyclopedia": Reinach,
article on " Diaspora." Hastings, " Dictionary of the Bible ": Schiirer,
article on " Diaspora," extra volume, pp. 91-109.
LESSON VI
THE MESSIAH
The teaching of this lesson may be begun with Acts 2 : 17-21.
Surely the outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost was
something new. Yet even that was explained by a reference to
prophecy. And the reference is of remarkable aptness and beauty.
The Pentecostal speech of Peter is full of the appeal to prophecy.
Primarily, indeed, the claims of Jesus are supported by the direct
testimony to his resurrection. Without the facts, of course appeal
to prophecy would have been useless; for it was just the wonderful
correspondence of the facts with the prophecies that could induce
belief. Along with the direct testimony to the facts went the appeal
to prophecy. The promised king of David's line at last has come.
Acts 2 : 30; II Sam. 7 : 12, 13; Ps. 89 : 3, 4; 132 : 11. And
David's son is David's Lord — David's Lord and ours. Acts 2 : 34,
35; Ps. 110 : 1; compare Matt. 22 : 41-46.
1. THE NEW TESTAMENT APPEAL TO PROPHECY
This speech of Peter is typical of the preaching of the early
Church. The appeal to prophecy was absolutely central in the
presentation of the gospel. Proof of that fact does not need to be
sought. It is written plain on the pages of the New Testament.
Old Testament prophecy was found to apply not merely to one side
of the work of Christ, but to all sides. Israel had looked not
merely for a king, but also for a prophet and a priest. Peter, after
his first arrest, for example, could appeal to the notable prophecy
of Deuteronomy: "A prophet shall the Lord God raise up unto
you from among your brethren, like unto me." Acts 3 : 22; Deut.
18 : 15, 19. The author of Hebrews could appeal to the priest
after the order of Melchizedek, Heb. 5:6; Ps. 110 : 4, and to the
symbolic sacrifices of the temple which found their fulfillment on
Calvary.
The appeal to prophecy extended even to those things which
were most distinctive of the Christian message. "I delivered unto
you first of all,'' says Paul, "that which also I received: that Christ
died for our sins according to the scriptures; and that he was
3i
32 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
buried; and that he hath been raised on the third day according
to the scriptures." I Cor. 15 : 3, 4. Here the death and the res-
urrection of Christ are both declared to be according to the Scrip-
tures. That means that they were the subject of prophecy. But
the death and the resurrection of Christ were the fundamental
elements of the gospel. The gospel, then, in the form of prophecy,
is to be found in the Old Testament.
What Old Testament passages has Paul here in mind? With re-
gard to the death for our sins, the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah was
probably in his mind. That passage was being read by the Ethio-
pian when Philip met him, and Philip made the passage a basis for
preaching about Jesus. Acts 8 : 27-35. With regard to the resur-
rection, it is natural to think of Ps. 16 : 10. Paul himself quoted
that passage in his speech at Pisidian Antioch. Acts 13 : 34-37.
The appeal to prophecy did not begin with the apostles. It was
initiated by Jesus himself. "To-day," said Jesus at Nazareth
after the reading of Isa. 61 : 1, 2, "hath this scripture been fulfilled
in your ears." A large claim! No wonder they found it
difficult to accept. When John the Baptist asked, "Art thou he
that cometh, or look we for another?" it was to "the works of the
Christ" that Jesus appealed. Matt. 11 : 2-6; Isa. 35 : 5, 6; 61 : 1.
These are merely examples. Throughout, Jesus represented him-
self and his kingdom as the fulfillment of the ancient promise.
"0 foolish men," he said to the disciples on the way to Emmaus,
"and slow of heart to believe in all that the prophets have spoken!
Behooved it not the Christ to suffer these things, and to enter into
his glory? And beginning from Moses and from all the prophets,
he interpreted to them in all the scriptures the things concerning
himself." Luke 24 : 25-27.
2. THE MESSIANIC HOPE A PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL
When the gospel was preached to pure Gentiles, a great deal
of preliminary labor had to be done. Under what title should the
claims of the Saviour be presented? "Christ" to the Gentiles was
almost meaningless, till explained. "Son of God" was open to sad
misconception. There were "sons of God" in Greek mythology,
but they were not what the early Christians meant to show that
Jesus was. These difficulties were overcome, and speedily. Gentile
Christians were imbued with a lofty and adequate conception of
the Lord. The labor was great, but it was gloriously accomplished.
In this labor, however, the missionaries were assisted by the
THE MESSIAH 33
synagogues of the Jews. In the synagogues, " Christ" was no
new term, and no new conception. In the synagogues, one prop-
osition needed first to be proved, " This Jesus ... is the
Christ." Acts 17 : 3. If that were proved, then the rest would
follow. The Jews knew that the Messiah was Lord and Master.
Identify Jesus with him, and all the lofty claims of Jesus would be
substantiated. How the identity was established may be observed
in the speech of Peter on the day of Pentecost, or in the speech of
Paul at Pisidian Antioch. Acts 13 : 16-43.
It will be remembered that the synagogues attracted not merely
Jews but also Gentiles. The Gentile "God-fearers," as well as
the Jews, were acquainted with the Messianic hope. Even the
Gentile mission, therefore, was prepared for by the prophets of
Israel.
3. THE PERMANENT VALUE OF PROPHECY
The appeal to prophecy, however, was not merely valuable to
the early Church. It is of abiding worth. It represents Jesus as
the culmination of a divine purpose. The hope of Israel was in
itself a proof of revelation, because it was so unlike the religious
conceptions of other nations. The covenant people, the righteous
king, the living God, the world-wide mission — that is the glory of
Israel. The promise is itself a proof. But still more the fulfill-
ment. The fulfillment was an unfolding. Wonderful corres-
pondence in detail — and far more wonderful the correspondence of
the whole! The promise was manifold. Sometimes the Messiah
is in the foreground. Sometimes he is out of sight. Sometimes
there is a human king, sometimes Jehovah himself coming to judg-
ment; sometimes a kingdom, sometimes a new covenant in the
heart; sometimes a fruitful Canaan, sometimes a new heaven and
a new earth. But manifold though the promise, Christ is the ful-
fillment of it all. "How many soever be the promises of God,"
in Christ is the yea. II Cor. 1 : 20. There is the wonder. In
Christ the apparent contradictions of the promise become glorious
unity, in Christ the deeper mysteries of the promise are revealed.
Christ the keystone of the arch! Christ the culmination of a
divine plan! That is the witness of the prophets. It is a witness
worth having.
4. THE MESSIANIC HOPE OF LATER JUDAISM
After the close of the Old Testament, the promise did not die.
It was preserved in the Scriptures. It continued to be the life of
Sen. t. in. 1.
34 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
the Jewish nation. But it was not only preserved. It was also
interpreted. Some of the interpretation was false, but much of
it was true. The Jewish interpretation of the Old Testament
promise is worthy of attention. What did the Jews of the first
century mean by the Messiah, and what did they mean by the
Messianic age?
In the first place, they retained the hope of a king of David's
line — a human king who should conquer the enemies of Israel.
When it was held in a one-sided form this was a dangerous hope.
It led logically to materialistic conceptions of the kingdom of God
and to political unrest. It led to the effort of the Jews to take
Jesus by force and make him a king. John 6 : 15. It led to the
quarrel of the disciples about the chief places in the kingdom.
Matt. 18 : 1-4; Mark 9 : 33-35; Luke 9 : 46, 47. This conception
of the Messiah had to be corrected by Jesus. "My kingdom is not
of this world." John 18 : 36.
Yet even where the Messiah was conceived of as an earthly
ruler, the spiritual hope was by no means always and altogether
lost. The "Psalms of Solomon," for example, Pharisaic psalms of
the first century before Christ, though they look for an earthly
ruler, picture him as one who shall rule in righteousness. "And a
righteous king and taught of God is he that reigneth over them;
And there shall be no iniquity in his days in their midst, for all shall
be holy and their king is the Lord Messiah" (Ps. Sol. xvii, 35, 36.
See Ryle and James, "Psalms of the Pharisees," especially pp. 137-
147). No iniquity in the days of the Messiah! That is true under-
standing of the Old Testament, even joined with the political ideal.
In the second place, however, the Messianic age is sometimes in
later Judaism conceived of as purely supernatural. The Messiah
is not an earthly ruler, merely helped by God, but himself a heavenly
being, a preexistent "Son of Man," judge of all the earth. The
Messianic age is ushered in not by human warfare, but by a mighty
catastrophic act of God. Not a liberated Canaan is here the ideal,
but a new heaven and a new earth.
This transcendental, super naturalistic form of the Messianic
hope appears in the "Book of Enoch" and other "apocalypses."
Its details are fantastic, but it was by no means altogether wrong.
In many respects it was a correct interpretation of the divine
promise. The new heavens and the new earth are derived from
Isa. 65 : 17. The doctrine of the two ages was accepted by Jesus
and by Paul— for example Matt. 12 : 32; Gal. 1 : 4; Eph. 1 : 21.
THE MESSIAH 35
The heavenly "Son of Man" goes back to Dan. 7 : 13, 14. The
Book of Enoch was not altogether wrong. Its use of the title
"Son of Man" prepared for the title which Jesus used.
Finally, the Messianic hope was held in a pure and lofty form by
the "poor of the land" — simple folk like those who appear in the
first two chapters of Luke. In the hymns of Mary and Zacharias
and Simeon, purely political and materialistic conceptions are in
the background, and the speculations of the apocalypses do not
appear. The highest elements of prophecy are made prominent.
"For mine eyes have seen thy salvation, which thou hast prepared
before the face of all peoples; a light for revelation to the Gentiles,
and the glory of thy people Israel." Luke 2 : 30-32. In those
circles, the hope of Israel burned still and pure.
Later Judaism thus preserved the manifoldness of prophecy.
There was exaggeration and there was one-sidedness; but in Juda-
ism as a whole the promise was preserved. One element at most
was forgotten — the suffering servant and his sacrificial death.
The death of the Messiah was no easy conception. The disciples
had difficulty with it. When Peter heard of it, he took Jesus, and
began to rebuke him. Matt. 16 : 22. The lesson was not easy,
but it had to be learned. And it was worth learning. The cross is
the heart of the gospel.
Thus in Jesus nothing was left out, except what was false.
The whole promise was preserved. The revealer of God, the ruler
of the kingdom, the great high priest, the human deliverer, the
divine Lord — these are the elements of the promise. They find
their union in Christ. Leave one out, and the promise is mutilated.
Such mutilation is popular to-day. The whole Christ seems too
wonderful. But the Church can be satisfied with nothing less.
In the Library. — Beecher, "The Prophets and the Promise," pp.
173-420.
LESSON VII
THE BOOK OF THE ACTS
The teaching of the lesson may be begun with some very simple
questions. If rightly put, they will open up a fresh way of looking
at a New Testament book. The way will thus be prepared for
considering the deeper elements of the lesson. If interest can be
aroused in the book itself, the contents of the book, in the lessons
which follow, will be studied with much livelier attention.
1. AUTHORSHIP
Who wrote the book of The Acts? How do you know? The
former question will probably be answered without difficulty, but
the latter may reveal difference of opinion. Many of the students
will know that The Acts was written by the same man as the Gospel
of Luke. But that does not settle the question. How do you know
that Luke was written by Luke? The name does not occur in the
Gospel itself. The title, ''According to Luke," was probably
added later. So, in order to determine the authorship both of
Luke and of The Acts, recourse must be had to Christian tradition.
Fortunately, however, tradition in this case is quite unimpeach-
able.
In the first place, although the author of The Acts is not named
in the book, yet the book is not an anonymous work. Undoubtedly
the name of the author was known from the beginning. For the
book is dedicated to an individual, Theofhilus. Evidently
Theophilus knew who the author was. Information about the
author could thus be had from the start. If, therefore, Luke
did not really write The Acts, some one has removed the name
of the true author and substituted "Luke" in place of it. That
is an exceedingly unlikely supposition.
In the second place, it is evident quite independently of any
tradition that the book was written by an eyewitness of part of
Paul's missionary journeys. This fact appears from the so-called
"we-sections" of the book. In certain portions of the narrative
the author uses the first person instead of the third. Of this pe-
36
THE BOOK OF THE ACTS 37
culiarity there is only one satisfactory explanation. The author
uses the first person when he is describing the experiences in which
he himself had a part. When, for example, the author says, not,
"They made a straight course to Samothrace," but "We made a
straight course," Acts 16 : 11, he means that he was present on
that voyage. This natural supposition is confirmed by the char-
acter of the "we-sections." These sections are full of such a wealth
of artless detail that no one but an eyewitness could possibly have
written them.
The only possible way of avoiding the conclusion that a com-
panion of Paul wrote the book of The Acts is to maintain that
although such a man wrote the "we-sections" some one else wrote
the rest of the book. But that is unlikely in the extreme. If a later
author had been simply using as a source a diary of a companion
of Paul, he would surely either have told us he was quoting, or else
have changed the first person to the third. By leaving the third
person in he would simply have been producing nonsense. Everyone
knew who the author of the book was. The book is dedicated to
a definite man. The author evidently could not have palmed him-
self off as a companion of Paul even if he would. And if he desired
to do it, he would not have chosen this remarkable way of doing
it. Of course if he had been a mere thoughtless compiler he might
have copied his source with such slavish exactness as to leave the
"we" in without noticing that in the completed work it would
produce nonsense. But he was most assuredly not a mere com-
piler. If he used sources, he did not use them that way. The book
shows a remarkable unity of style. Modern research has demon-
strated that fact beyond peradventure. There is a remarkable
similarity of style between the "we-sections" and the rest of the
book. Only one hypothesis, then, does justice to the facts. The
author of the "we-sections" was also the author of the whole book.
When he comes to those parts of the narrative in which he himself
had a part, he says very naturally "we," instead of "they."
The book of The Acts, then, was written by a companion of
Paul. That fact stands firm, even apart from any tradition. And
that is the really important fact. If the book was written by an
eyewitness, the particular name of the eyewitness is comparatively
unimportant. But the tradition as to the name is without doubt
correct. There is not the slightest reason for calling it in question.
What the book of The Acts itself says about its author fits exactly
what Paul says about Luke.
38 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
2. DATE
The authorship of The Acts is certain. The date, however, is
not so clear. The book was written by Luke. But when was it
written? The latter question cannot be answered with perfect pre-
cision. At least, however, since the book was written by Luke, it
must have been written during the lifetime of a companion of Paul.
A. D. 100, for example, would be too late, and A. D. 90 would be un-
likely. A good deal can be said for putting the date at about A.D.
63. This early date would explain the abrupt ending of the book.
One of the most curious things about The Acts is that the
narrative is suddenly broken off just at the most interesting
point. The trial of Paul is narrated at very great length, but we
are not told how it came out. The final decision, the climax of
the whole long narrative, is just at hand; but with regard to it
we are left altogether in suspense. Was Paul released? Was he
condemned and executed? The author does not say. His silence
requires an explanation.
The simplest explanation would be that Luke wrote his book
at the very point of time where the narrative is broken off. Of
course he could not tell us any more if nothing more had happened.
He brought his narrative right up to date. Nothing more was
possible.
It is true, other explanations may be proposed.
(a) It has been suggested, for example, that The Acts closes so
abruptly because the author was saving something for another
work. As The Acts is the continuation of the Gospel of Luke,
so a third work, it is said, was planned as the continuation of The
Acts. But even so, it seems rather strange that the author should
not have given at least a hint of the outcome of that trial in order
to take the edge off our curiosity. He has done something like
that at the conclusion of his Gospel ; why not also at the conclusion
of The Acts?
(b) But perhaps the ending is not so abrupt as it looks. The
author's purpose, it is said, was not to write a biography of Paul,
but to show how the gospel spread from Jerusalem to Rome. When
Rome was reached, then the narrative was broken off. Biographical
details — even the most interesting details about the most interesting
character — were ruthlessly excluded. The plan of the book had
been accomplished. For this explanation there is much to be said.
But the trouble with it is that especially in the latter part of the
book the author as a matter of fact does show considerable interest in
THE BOOK OF THE ACTS 39
biographical details. The trial and shipwreck of Paul are narrated
with a fullness which is quite out of proportion to the rest of the
history. After such a full account of the trial, it remains rather
strange that the author has said not a word about the outcome.
Either of these last two explanations is perfectly possible.
Possibly The Acts was written as late as A. D. 80. But theearly
date at least explains the peculiar ending best of all.
3. SOURCES
Where did Luke get the materials for his work? Did he use
written sources as well as oral information? The question has been
discussed at very great length, but without much uniformity in
the results. If he used written sources, at least he used them skill-
fully, placing upon them the imprint of his own style. The book
possesses genuine unity.
The really important fact about the sources of the book of The
Acts is a negative fact. Whatever the sources were, the Pauline
epistles were not among them. Compare the passages where
Paul and Luke narrate the same events — for example Gal., chs.
1, 2, with the corresponding passages in The Acts — and it becomes
evident that the two narratives are entirely independent. Luke
did not use the Pauline epistles in writing his book. That is an
exceedingly significant fact. It shows that The Acts is an in-
dependent witness. What is more, it strengthens materially the
argument for the early date of The Acts. The Pauline epistles
at a very early time began to be collected and used generally in the
Church. In A. D. 100, for example, they would certainly have
been used by anyone who was writing an account of Paul's life.
Since, therefore, the book of The Acts does not use them, that book
must have been written earlier, and probably very much earlier.
Even in A. D. 80, it would perhaps have been strange that the
epistles should not have been used.
4. PURPOSE
The proper purpose of a historian is to tell the truth. And
Luke was a genuine historian. His own account of his method,
Luke 1 : 1-4, shows that he knew the meaning of historical research,
and the character of his books bears this out. Luke did not permit
any desire of putting Christianity in a good light, or of defending
one kind of Christianity against another, to interfere with the pri-
mary duty of truthfulness.
40 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
That does not mean, however, that the book of The Acts is
like some modern university dissertations — written simply and
solely in order to say some new thing, whether interesting or no.
No great historian goes to work that way, Of course Luke had an
interest in his subject matter. Of course he was convinced that
Christianity was a great thing, and was full of enthusiasm in
narrating its history. In that he was perfectly right. Christianity
really was a great thing. The best celebration of its greatness was
a narration of the facts. Christian faith is based on fact. Luke
wrote, not only in the Gospel but also in The Acts, in order that his
readers might know the certainty concerning the things wherein
they were instructed. Luke 1 : 4.
5. LITERARY CHARACTERISTICS
The author of The Acts was well acquainted with the Old Testa-
ment. He was able to catch the spirit of the primitive Palestinian
church. His books exhibit the influence of the Semitic languages.
But he was also capable of a Greek style which would have passed
muster in the schools of rhetoric. Luke 1 : 1-4, for example, is a
typical Greek sentence. Evidently Luke could move with ease in
the larger Greek world of his time. His references to political
and social conditions are extraordinarily exact. His narrative is
never lacking in local color. He knows the proper titles of the local
officials, and the peculiar quality of the local superstitions. His
account of the shipwreck is a mine of information about the sea-
faring of antiquity. Evidently he was a keen observer, and a true
traveler of a cosmopolitan age. His narrative is characterized by
a certain delightful urbanity — an urbanity, however, which is
deepened and ennobled by profound convictions.
In the Library. — Warfield, "Acts, Timothy, Titus and Philemon,"
in "The Temple Bible," pp. i-xxvii. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible":
Purves, article on "Acts of the Apostles." Purves, "Christianity in
the Apostolic Age," pp. 1-8. M'Clymont, "The New Testament and
Its Writers," in "The Guild Text Books," pp. 41-46. Hastings,
"Dictionary of the Bible": Headlam, article on "Acts of the Apostles."
LESSON VIII
THE CROSS AND THE RESURRECTION THE FOUNDATION
OF APOSTOLIC PREACHING
1. THE RESURRECTION A FACT OF HISTORY
Which of the books of the New Testament contain the evidence
for the resurrection of Jesus? That question will serve to begin
the teaching of the lesson. In answer to it, the students will
probably mention the four Gospels. To the Gospels, however,
should be added especially the First Epistle to the Corinthians.
The passage in First Corinthians is deserving of very careful
attention. For, unlike the Gospels, that epistle can be dated to
within a year or so. It was written only about twenty-five years
after the crucifixion. Even though possibly some of the Gospels
were written still earlier, the precision with which the epistle can
be dated makes its witness particularly valuable. Furthermore,
the author of the epistle is well known. No one doubts that
First Corinthians was written by Paul, and Paul is the best-known
man of apostolic times. Evidently his witness to the facts is of
the utmost value.
Paul himself was a direct witness of the resurrection. He saw
the risen Lord. I Cor. 9:1; 15 : 8. In I Cor. 15 : 1-8, however,
he does not content himself with his own witness, but reproduces
the testimony of others in an extended list. That testimony had
come to Paul by ordinary word of mouth. "I delivered unto you
first of all," says Paul, "that which also I received." In what
follows there is a list of the appearances of the risen Christ. "He
appeared to Cephas; then to the twelve; then he appeared to
above five hundred brethren at once, of whom the greater part
remain until now, but some are fallen asleep; then he appeared to
James; then to all the apostles; and last of all, as to the child
untimely born, he appeared to me also." Evidently these appear-
ances are not conceived of merely as "visions," but as events in the
external world. The mention of the burial, v. 4, is a plain hint
that what Peter and the rest saw was the body of Jesus raised
from the tomb.
41
42 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
That view of the matter is amply confirmed in the Gospels and
in the book of The Acts. In the Gospels, we are told that the tomb
was found empty on the morning of the third day after the cruci-
fixion. It was found empty by some women and by Peter and John.
Since the tomb was empty, the body which appeared to the dis-
ciples had some connection with the body which had been taken
down from the cross. Furthermore, the Gospels and The Acts
make the bodily character of the appearances abundantly plain.
Jesus did not merely appear to the disciples at a distance. He
walked with them on the road to Emmaus. He broke bread with
them. He came into the very midst of them when they were
assembled in a room. Thomas could even touch his hands and
his side. These are merely examples. Clearly the testimony of
the disciples is testimony not to mere spiritual experiences, but to
the bodily presence of the Lord. It may be admitted that the body
was a glorified body. After his resurrection Jesus was freed from
the limitations of his earthly life. Nevertheless, he was not
merely a "spirit." Luke 24 : 39. There was some real, though
mysterious, connection between the glorified body and the body
that had been laid in the tomb. The New Testament attests
not merely the immortality of Jesus, but his resurrection.
The resurrection, in these days, is hard to accept. For it is a
miracle. Against any miracle there is a tremendous presumption.
In this case, however, the presumption has been overcome. It has
been overcome by the character of Jesus. It is in the highest
degree unlikely that an ordinary man should rise from the dead;
but it is not unlikely that Jesus should have risen. The resurrection
is unique. But so is the life of Jesus of Nazareth. The two wonders
support one another. Explain away the testimony to the resurrec-
tion, and your task is not done. You must also explain away that
sinless life. If Jesus rose from the dead he had a unique experience.
But that is to be expected. For Jesus himself was unlike any other
of the children of men. There are mysteries in his life that have
never been explained.
The resurrection of Jesus is a well-attested fact of history. The
proof of it is cumulative. Any one of the proofs might be regarded
as insufficient when taken alone, but when taken together they are
overpowering. The sinless, unearthly character of Jesus separates
him from the rest of men, so that probabilities which apply to
others do not apply to him. His mysterious self-consciousness
involves so lofty a claim, that if he was not divine he was a megalo-
THE CROSS AND THE RESURRECTION 43
maniac — he whose calmness and strength have left an impression
which the centuries have done nothing to efface! The specific
testimonies to the empty tomb and to the plain bodily appearances
of the risen Lord are independent and varied. Finally, unless the
resurrection be a fact, the very origin of the Christian Church
becomes an insoluble mystery. The resurrection alone can explain
the sudden transformation of a company of weak, discouraged men
into the conquerors of the world.
The resurrection of Jesus is a fact of history. It is not an
aspiration of the heart. It comes ultimately through the testimony
of the senses. The apostles came forward with a piece of plain
information. They were witnesses to a fact in the external world.
That fact has put a new face upon life. It is good news of salva-
tion.
2. THE RESURRECTION CONFIRMED BY EXPERIENCE
The resurrection is a fact of history. Accept it as true, and
you can have hope for time and for eternity. At this point, how-
ever, some men experience a difficulty. How can the acceptance
of a historical fact satisfy the longing of our souls? Must we stake
our salvation upon the intricacies of historical research? Surely
some more immediate certitude is required.
The objection would be valid if history stood alone. But
history does not stand alone. It has suffered from a false isolation.
A Christian certitude that is founded solely upon history is in-
sufficient. History is necessary, but not sufficient. We need
history, but we need something else as well.
A historical conviction of the resurrection of Jesus is not the end
of faith, but only the beginning. If faith stops there, it will never
stand the fires of criticism. We are told that Jesus lives. So
much is a matter of testimony, a matter of history. If we believe
the witness, then we can have hope. But the religious problem
of our lives has not yet been solved. Jesus lives. But what good is
it to us? If he lives, we need to find him. We need to find him,
and we can find him. We accept the message of the resurrection
enough to make trial of it. And making trial of it, we find that it
is true. Jesus is found to be alive, for he makes answer to our
prayer, and heals us. We never could have come to him unless
we had accepted the historical evidence for the resurrection. But
starting with that historical belief we went on to the blessed ex-
perience of salvation. Christian experience cannot do without
44 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
history. But it adds to history that directness, that immediate-
ness, that simplicity of conviction, which delivers us from fear.
We began with history. But we went on to experience. "Now
we believe, not because of thy speaking: for we have heard for
ourselves, and know that this is indeed the Saviour of the world."
3. THE DEATH
Jesus is alive. If we find him, he will heal us. But how shall
we find him? In the New Testament we receive instruction.
In the New Testament a strange fact stares us in the face. The
New Testament seems far more concerned with the death of Jesus
than with the details of his life. Learned men have tried in vain
to explain that curious fact. In elaborate treatises they have
sought the explanation. But it is really very simple. The New
Testament emphasizes the death of Jesus because that is what
Jesus did for us — or rather, coming after his perfect obedience to
the law, it is the culmination of what he did for us. In the account
of Jesus' life we are told what Jesus did for others. That account
is absolutely necessary. Without it we should never have been in-
terested in Jesus at all. But it is to us a means to an end, not an
end in itself. We read in the Gospel what Jesus did for others.
For one he placed his fingers in the ears and said, "Be opened";
to another he said, "Arise, take up thy bed, and walk"; to another,
"Thy sins are forgiven." These things are what Jesus did for
others. But what has he done for us? The answer of the
New Testament is plain. For us he does not say, "Arise and
walk." For us — he died. That mysterious thing which was
wrought on Calvary — that was his work for us. The cross of
Christ is a mystery. In the presence of it theology walks after
all with but trembling, halting footsteps. Learning will never
unlock its meaning. But to the penitent sinner, though mysterious,
though full of baffling riddles, it is plain enough. On the cross
Jesus dealt with our sin. Our dreadful guilt, the condemnation
of God's law — it is wiped out by an act of grace. It seemed in-
separable from us. It was a burden no earthly friend could bear.
But Christ is Master of the innermost secrets of the moral world.
He has accomplished the impossible, he has borne our sins.
By the cross he has healed us. But through whom does he apply
the healing touch? Through no one, save his Spirit. For he is
here himself. If we are seekers for him, then this day our search
is over.
THE CROSS AND THE RESURRECTION 45
The death of Christ, in the modern Church, is often subordinated.
Exclusive emphasis is laid upon the holy example and teaching
of the Galilean prophet. The modern theologians would be right if
there were no such thing as sin. If there were no such thing as
guilt, and if there were no such thing as a dreadful enslaving power
of evil, then a noble ideal might be sufficient. But to talk about
an ideal to a man under the thralldom of sin is a cruel mockery.
Sin may indeed be glossed over. Let us make the best of our
condition, we are told, let us do the best we can, let us simply
trust in the all-conquering love of God. Dangerous advice! By
it a certain superficial joy of life may be induced. But the joy
rests upon an insecure foundation. It is dangerous to be happy
on the brink of the abyss. Permanent joy can come only when
sin has been faced honestly, and destroyed. It has been destroyed
by the death and resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ.
It is true that God is loving. He has manifested his love, how-
ever, better than by complacency toward sin. He has manifested
it by the gracious gift of a Saviour.
In the Library. — Denney, "The Death of Christ." Orr, "The
Resurrection of Jesus." Crawford, "The Doctrine of Holy Scripture
Respecting the Atonement."
LESSON IX
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH
The author of The Acts has given a wonderful picture of the early
days of the Christian Church. The teacher should endeavor to
present the picture before the mental vision of the class. History
should not be studied merely as a dry record of events. The events
should be seen as well as understood. They can be seen by what
is called the historical imagination. The term ' 'imagination"
often contains a suggestion of unreality. But that is a secondary
use of the word. "Imagination" means "picturing." You can
make a picture of what really happened as well as of what happened
only in fiction. The historical imagination is a very important
faculty in the student of the New Testament. In many persons
it is almost wholly lacking. But fortunately it may be acquired.
In the lessons that follow, great stress should be laid upon the
simple memorizing of the course of events. Advanced study, or
topical study, is useless unless it is based upon an orderly acquaint-
ance with the contents of The Acts. History comes first — then
the interpretation of the history.
The dominant note in the early chapters of The Acts is the note
of joy. After the three dark days of discouragement, after the
quiet period of waiting, the life of the Church suddenly bursts
forth with power. Everything is fresh and new. Difficulties and
dangers have not yet emerged. Even persecution is lacking. The
Church enjoys favor with the people. Thousands are converted
in a day.
1. THE GIFT OF TONGUES
The gift of tongues, as it was exercised on the day of Pentecost,
is not altogether an isolated phenomenon. It appears also else-
where in The Acts, Acts 10 : 46; 19 : 6, though it may be doubted
whether in all three cases it assumed exactly the same form. In
the First Epistle to the Corinthians, Paul discusses the gift at con-
siderable length. I Cor., ch. 14. It is interesting to compare that
passage with the passage in the second chapter of The Acts.
There are a number of resemblances between the two. Both
Paul and Luke represent the gift of tongues as a supernatural thing,
46
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 47
a special endowment from the Spirit of God. Both Paul and Luke,
furthermore, represent the gift as an ecstatic, temporary expression
of spiritual exultation rather than as a faculty intended to be prac-
tically useful in the work of the Church. On the other hand, there
are such marked differences between the two accounts as to make
it evident that the gift as it was manifested at Pentecost was very
considerably different from that which was exercised in the church
at Corinth.
The speaking with tongues as Paul describes it was a kind of
ejaculation, expressive of the religious life of the speaker, but in-
comprehensible to others. In order, therefore, to make the gift
edifying to the congregation at large there had to be some one else
present who was in possession of another gift, the gift of interpre-
tation. The speaking with tongues at Pentecost, however, was a
miraculous use of various languages. Some have supposed that
Luke is describing rather a new language, which possessed the
supernatural quality of being understood by men of various na-
tionalities. The most natural interpretation of the passage, how-
ever, is that which has just been suggested. The disciples, filled
with the Spirit, spoke some in one language and some in another,
or perhaps the same individuals used different languages at succes-
sive moments. The outsiders received various impressions of the
strange phenomenon. Some, mocking, declared that the disciples
were drunk. These, we may suppose, were men who came into
contact with those disciples who were speaking some language
known only to another group among the hearers. The general
impression seems to have been wonder at the miraculous gift. The
gift of tongues provided an opportunity for the first Christian
preaching. In just this form it was perhaps never repeated. It
was a unique gift provided for an absolutely unique occasion.
2. THE SPEECHES
Ancient historians often put imaginary speeches into the mouths
of their characters. The speeches were intended to represent
not what was actually said but what might have been said under
the circumstances. This procedure of the historians was not
intended to deceive the readers. It was merely a literary form, a
method of vivid description.
Luke, however, seems not to have allowed himself even the license
which was regarded as allowable by the best historians of antiquity.
The speeches in The Acts are apparently either verbatim reports
48 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
of what was actually said, or else summaries based upon trust-
worthy tradition. If they had been composed freely by the his-
torian himself their characteristic differences and their perfect
adaptation to different occasions would be difficult to explain.
The speeches of Peter and of the earliest disciples, in particular,
are very different from those of Paul. They contain a number of
features which occur either not at all or only rarely in the rest of
the New Testament. The designation of Jesus as "the Servant,"
for example, a designation taken from the latter part of Isaiah,
is characteristic of these speeches. Another characteristic designa-
tion of Jesus is "Prince" or "Prince of life." Acts 3 : 15; 5 : 31.
In general, the representation of Jesus in the early chapters of
The Acts is just what might have been expected under the circum-
stances. At the beginning of the Church's life, everything is
simple and easy of comprehension even by outsiders. The apostles
represented Jesus first as a man approved of God by the miracles
which he had wrought. To have delivered up such a man to death
was itself a grievous sin. But that was not all. This Jesus who
was crucified had been raised from the dead; and both in his death
and in his resurrection he had fulfilled the Messianic predictions
of the ancient prophets. He was then nothing less than the Christ.
Now, too, his period of humiliation was over. He had been given
the full powers of Lordship. From him had come the wonder-
working Spirit. It will be observed that these speeches, though
they begin with what is simplest and easiest of acceptance by an
outsider, really contain, at least in germ, the full doctrine of the
divine Christ.
3. THE CONVERTS
The body of disciples who were assembled before the day of
Pentecost consisted of only about one hundred and twenty persons.
Acts 1 : 15. After the notable sermon of Peter, which was spoken
in explanation of the gift of tongues, three thousand were converted.
A little later the Church possessed five thousand men. Acts 4 : 4.
The outward sign of conversion was baptism. "Repent ye,"
said Peter, "and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus
Christ unto the remission of your sins; and ye shall receive the gift
of the Holy Spirit." Baptism was not altogether new. It had
been practiced not only among converts to Judaism, but especially
by John the Baptist. Christian baptism, however, is sharply dis-
tinguished from the baptism of John. Mark 1 : 7, 8; Acts 18 : 25;
19 : 1-6. Both were expressive of repentance. But Christian
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 49
baptism was connected specifically with Jesus, and also with the
bestowal of the Spirit.
Baptism was "in the name of Jesus Christ," or "into the name
of the Lord Jesus." It was the sacrament by which the convert
signified his cleansing from sin and his entrance into that peculiarly
close relation to Christ which is of the essence of Christian expe-
rience. In itself, of course, the rite of baptism is useless. But
when accompanied by faith it is a means of real blessing. Bap-
tism, like the other Christian sacrament, the Lord's Supper, was
instituted by Christ himself. Matt. 28 : 19. In The Acts the
full trinitarian formula of baptism is not given. "In the name of
Jesus Christ" is sufficient to designate the sacrament.
4. JOY AND FEAR
The mysterious power that was working among the disciples
was beneficent. It accomplished miracles of healing. As in the
case of Jesus himself so now among his disciples the Spirit of God
was manifested in the expulsion of demons. Matt. 12 : 28; Acts
5 : 16. The Spirit was manifested also in the healing of disease.
One cure, in particular, is narrated with a wealth of vivid detail.
The healing of the lame man led to the opposition of the Sanhedrin.
It led also to favor among the people. All the people ran together
in Solomon's porch greatly wondering. Acts 3 : 11. Peter and
John took no credit for what they had done. They attributed
the miracle solely to the power of Jesus. It was the same Jesus
against whom the crowd had shouted, "Crucify him, crucify him,"
only a few weeks before. Surely a reason for remorse rather than
joy! But God is gracious. Through Jesus, the crucified One,
salvation was offered even to the murderers. Repentance was
followed by rejoicing. The envy of the Sanhedrin was held in
check. A notable miracle had been wrought.
That miracle was not isolated. Many signs and wonders were
wrought by the hands of the apostles. The people even "carried
out the sick into the streets, and laid them on beds and couches,
that, as Peter came by, at the least his shadow might overshadow
some one of them." Acts 5 : 12-15. Perhaps we are to understand
that that method of seeking cure was actually successful. Cer-
tainly it was an unusual method. But God adopts unusual methods
at unusual times. He adapts his mercy to the needs of men.
The general impression left by the early chapters of The Acts
is an impression of light and gladness. There is opposition, but
Sen. t. m. 1.
50 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
it is powerless against triumphant joy. One incident, however, in-
troduces a discordant note. It is the incident of Ananias and
Sapphira.
The early Church was animated by a spirit of self-sacrifice.
Many of the disciples sold their possessions and devoted the price
to the common good. One of those who did so was Joseph Barnabas,
who was to be prominent in the subsequent history.
A certain man, Ananias, however, and Sapphira his wife, after
they had sold their possession kept back part of the price. In
itself that was not necessarily wrong. Their sin was the sin of
deception. They pretended to have given all, though they had
really given only a part. A more destructive sin could scarcely
have been imagined. They had lied unto the Holy Spirit. Such
conduct would bring contempt upon the Church. Ananias and
Sapphira discovered that God cannot be trifled with. And the
judgment wrought upon them inspired fear in all who heard.
It is well that this incident has been recorded. It prevents a
one-sided impression of the Church's life. The power that animated
the Church was beneficent. But it was also terrible and mysterious
and holy. In the presence of it there was joy. But that joy was
akin to fear. "It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the
living God." The lesson is of permanent value. The Spirit of
God must be received with joy. But not with a common joy.
Not with the joy of familiarity. But rather with the wondering,
trembling joy of adoration.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 21-46. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Weeks,
Feast of" and "Temple." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools":
Lumby, "The Acts of the Apostles," 1880, pp. 1-61. "The Bible
Commentary," vol. ii: Cook, "The Acts of the Apostles," pp. 351-386.
Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol.
ii: Plumptre, "The Acts of the Apostles," pp. 1-28. Rackham, "The
Acts of the Apostles," pp. 1-69. These commentaries will be designated
hereafter by the names of the authors only.
LESSON X
THE FIRST PERSECUTION
The persecution which arose in connection with Stephen marks
a turning point in the history of the Church. Up to that time, the
disciples had been content, for the most part, with laboring in
Jerusalem. Now they were forced out into a broader field. One
result of the persecution was the geographical extension of the
Church.
Another result was perhaps even more important. The extension
caused by persecution was not merely geographical; it was also,
perhaps, intellectual and spiritual. The Church was really from
the beginning in possession of a new religious principle, but at first
that principle was not fully understood. Persecution probably
helped to reveal the hidden riches. The Pharisees were keener
than the disciples themselves. Hostility sharpened the vision.
The disciples themselves were still content to share in the estab-
lished forms of Jewish worship; but the Pharisees saw that they
were really advocates of a new principle. Christianity, unless it
were checked, would supersede Judaism. The Pharisees were
right. Jealous fear detected what ancestral piety had concealed.
The hostility of the Jews perhaps helped to open the eyes of the
Church. No doubt, a development was already at work. Perse-
cution was the result as well as the cause of the new freedom.
Stephen was persecuted possibly just because his preaching went
beyond that of Peter. With or without persecution, the Church
would have transcended the bounds of the older Judaism. It
contained a germ of new life which was certain to bear fruit. But
persecution hastened the process. It scattered the Church abroad,
and it revealed the revolutionary character of the Church's life.
With the coming of Jesus a new era had begun. Judaism had
before been separate from the Gentile world. That separation
had been due not to racial prejudice, but to a divine ordinance.
It had served a useful purpose. Jewish particularism should never
be despised; it should be treated with piety and gratitude. It
had preserved the precious deposit of truth in the midst of heathen-
ism. But its function, though useful, was temporary. It was a
$2 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
preparation for Christ. Before Christ it was a help; after Christ
it became a hindrance.
Persecution was not the beginning of the new freedom. Free-
dom was based upon the words of Jesus. It had become plainer
again, perhaps, in the teaching of Stephen. Furthermore, if free-
dom was not begun by the persecution, it was also not completed
by it. The emancipation of the Church from Judaism was a slow
process. The unfolding of that process is narrated in The Acts.
Even after the Church was scattered abroad through Judea and
Samaria, much remained to be done. Cornelius, Antioch, Paul
were still in the future. Nevertheless, the death of Stephen was
an important event. It was by no means the whole of the process;
but it marks an epoch.
The gradual rise of persecution should be traced in class — first
the fruitless arrest of Peter and John and their bold defiance;
then the arrest of the apostles, the miraculous escape, the preaching
in the temple, the re-arrest, the counsel of Gamaliel, the scourging;
then the preaching of Stephen and the hostility of the Pharisees.
The opposition of the Sadducees was comparatively without sig-
nificance. The Sadducees were not Jews at heart. They might
persecute the Church just because the Church was patriotically
Jewish. But the Pharisees were really representative of the
existing Judaism. Pharisaic persecution meant the hostility of the
nation. And it implied the independence of the Church. If the
disciples were nothing but Jews, why did the Jews persecute them?
In what follows, a few details will be discussed.
1. THEUDAS AND JUDAS
Judas the Galilean, mentioned by Gamaliel, Acts 5 : 37, appears
also in Josephus. His insurrection occurred at the time of the
great enrollment under Quirinius, the Syrian legate. This enroll-
ment was different from that which brought Joseph and Mary to
Bethlehem at the time of the birth of Jesus. Luke 2 : 2-5. That
former enrollment occurred before the death of Herod the Great
in 4 B. C. Luke 1:5; Matt. 2 : 1. The enrollment to which
Gamaliel referred was carried out after the deposition of Archelaus
in A. D. 6.
With regard to Judas all is clear. But Theudas is known only
from Acts 5 : 36. The Theudas who is mentioned in Josephus
is different, for his insurrection did not occur till about A. D. 44,
after the time of Gamaliel's speech. Gamaliel was referring to
THE FIRST PERSECUTION 53
some insurrection of an earlier period. The name Theudas was
common, and so were tumults and insurrections.
2. THE SEVEN
It has been questioned whether the seven men who were appointed
to assist the apostles were "deacons." The title is not applied
to them. The narrative does, indeed, imply that they were to
"serve tables," Acts 6 : 2, and the Greek word here translated
"serve" is the verb from which the Greek noun meaning "deacon"
is derived; but the same word is also used for the "ministry [or
service] of the word" in which the apostles were to continue. V. 4.
The special technical use of the word "deacon" appears in the New
Testament only in Phil. 1 : 1 ; I Tim. 3 : 8, 12. Compare Rom. 16 : 1.
Nevertheless, though the word itself does not occur in our passage,
it is perhaps not incorrect to say that the seven were "deacons."
Their functions were practically those of the diaconate; their
appointment, at any rate, shows that the apostles recognized the
need of some such office in the Church. It is not quite clear what
is meant by the expression, to "serve tables." The reference is
either to tables for food, or else to the money tables of a banker.
If the former interpretation be correct, then the deacons were to
attend especially to the management of the common meals. Even
then, however, the expression probably refers indirectly to the
general administration of charity, a prominent part of the service
being mentioned simply as typical of the whole.
3. THE SYNAGOGUES
The Greek word translated "Libertines" in Acts 6 : 9 comes from
the Latin word for "freedmen." The freedmen here mentioned
were probably descendants of Jews taken by Pompey as slaves to
Rome. The Jewish opponents of Stephen therefore included Romans,
men of eastern and middle north Africa, and men of eastern and
western Asia Minor. These foreign Jews, when they settled in
Jerusalem, had their own synagogues. It is doubtful how many
synagogues are mentioned in our passage. Luke may mean that
each of the five groups had a separate synagogue, or he may be
grouping the men of Cilicia and Asia in one synagogue. The word-
ing of the Greek perhaps rather favors the view that only two syna-
gogues are mentioned — one consisting of Libertines and men of
Cyrene and Alexandria, and the other consisting of Cilicians and
Asians.
54 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
4. THE SPEECH OF STEPHEN
In defending himself, Stephen gave a summary of Hebrew
history. At first sight, that summary might seem to have little
bearing upon the specific charges that had been made. But the
history which Stephen recited was a history of Israel. "You are
destroying the divine privileges of Israel" — that was the charge.
"No," said Stephen, "history shows that the true privileges of
Israel are the promises of divine deliverance. To them law and
temple are subordinate. From Abraham on there was a promise
of deliverance from Egypt. After that deliverance another
deliverance was promised. It is the one which was wrought by
Jesus. Moses, God's instrument in the first deliverance, was
rejected by his contemporaries. Jesus, the greater Deliverer,
was rejected by you. We disciples of Jesus are the true Israelites,
for we, unlike you, honor the promises of God."
Other interpretations of the speech have been proposed. For
example, some find the main thought of the speech to be this:
"The wanderings of the patriarchs and the long period of time which
elapsed before the building of the temple show that true and
acceptable worship of God is not limited to any particular place."
At any rate, the speech requires study — and repays it.
What was said in the last lesson about the speeches of The Acts
in general applies fully to the speech of Stephen. The very diffi-
culties of the speech, as well as its other peculiarities, help to show
that it represents a genuine tradition of what, in a unique situation,
was actually said.
5. MARTYRDOM
The word "martyr" is simply the Greek word for "witness."
That is the word which is translated "witness" in Acts 1 : 8.
"Ye shall receive power, when the Holy Spirit is come upon you:
and ye shall be my witnesses both in Jerusalem, and in all Judaea
and Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth." There,
of course, there is no special reference to dying for the sake of
Christ. It is primarily the ordinary verbal testimony which is
meant. The special meaning "martyr" is not often attached to the
Greek word in the New Testament. Probably even in Acts 22 : 20,
where the word is applied to Stephen, it is to be translated "witness"
rather than "martyr."
Martyrdom, then, is only one kind of witnessing. But it is a
very important kind. Men will not die for what they do not
believe. When Stephen sank beneath the stones of his enemies
THE FIRST PERSECUTION 55
he was preaching a powerful sermon. The very fact of his death
was a witness to Christ. The manner of it was still more significant.
Stephen, crying in the hour of death, "Lord Jesus, receive my
spirit," Stephen dying with words of forgiveness on his lips, "Lord,
lay not this sin to their charge," was a witness indeed.
The Church can never do without that kind of witnessing.
True, it may not now often appear as actual martyrdom. But
bravery is needed as much as ever — bravery in business, men who
will not say, "Business is business," but will do what is right even
in the face of failure; bravery in politics, men to whom righteousness
is more than a pose; bravery in social life, men and women who will
sacrifice convention every time to principle, who, for example,
will maintain the Christian Sabbath in the face of ridicule. Modern
life affords plenty of opportunities for cowardice, plenty of oppor-
tunities for denying the faith through fear of men. It also affords
opportunities for bravery. You can still show whether you are of
the stuff that Stephen was made of — above all, you can show
whether you are possessed by the same Spirit and are a servant of
the same Lord.
6. THE RESULT OF THE PERSECUTION
The persecution resulted only in the spread of the gospel.
Gamaliel was right. It was useless to fight against God. The
disciples were in possession of an invincible power, and they knew
it from the very beginning. When Peter and John returned from
their first arrest, the disciples responded in a noble prayer. Acts
4 : 24-30. Herod and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and the
peoples of Israel, gathered together against Jesus, had accomplished
only what God's hand and God's counsel foreordained to come to
pass. So it would be also with the enemies of the Church. When
the disciples had prayed, "the place was shaken wherein they were
gathered together; and they were all filled with the Holy Spirit,
and they spake the word of God with boldness." The answer to
that prayer was prophetic of the whole history of the Church.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 40-42, 47-55. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible" : articles on "Gama-
liel," "Theudas," "Judas" (6), "Deacon"; Purves, article on "Stephen."
Ramsay, "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 44-65. Rackham,
pp. 69-1 1 1. Lumby, pp. 61-97. Plumptre, pp. 28-47. Cook, pp.
386-406.
LESSON XI
THE FIRST GENTILE CONVERTS
This lesson treats of a number of steps in the extension of the
gospel. The beginning is the purely Jewish Church that is de-
scribed in the first chapters of The Acts; the goal is the Gentile
Christianity of Paul. Gentile Christianity was not produced all
at once. The extension of the gospel to Gentiles was a gradual
process. The present lesson is concerned only with the early
stages. The teacher should present the lesson in such a way as
to emphasize the main feature of the narrative. The main feature
is the central place assigned to the Holy Spirit. Though the
extension of the gospel to the Gentiles was a process, that process
was due not to mere natural development, but to the gracious
leading of God.
As was observed in Lesson X, Stephen perhaps introduced into
the Church a more independent attitude toward the existing
Judaism. There is no reason, indeed, to suppose that he thought
either of preaching to Gentiles or of forsaking the ceremonial law.
But possibly he did venture to exhibit the temporary and pro-
visional character of the temple worship as compared with the
promises of God. Indirectly, therefore, though certainly not
directly, Stephen opened the way for the Gentile mission.
The persecution was another step in the process. It scattered
the Jews abroad into regions where Gentiles were more numerous
than in Jerusalem, and served perhaps also to reveal to the Church
itself its incompatibility with Pharisaic Judaism.
The evangelization of Samaria was another important step.
Though the Samaritans were only half Gentiles, they were par-
ticularly detested by the Jews. In preaching to them, the dis-
ciples were overcoming Jewish scruples, and thus were moving
in the direction of a real Gentile mission. The baptizing of the
Ethiopian may have been another step in the process.
The most important event, however, was the conversion of Cor-
nelius and his household. Here the issue was clearly raised. Corne-
lius did not, like the Ethiopian, depart at once after baptism to a
56
THE FIRST GENTILE CONVERTS 57
distant home. His reception into the Church was a matter of
public knowledge.
Luke was well aware of the importance of the story about
Cornelius. That appears from the minuteness with which the
story is narrated. After it has been completed once, it is repeated,
at very considerable length, as a part of Peter's defense at Jeru-
salem. The effect is as though this incident were heavily under-
scored.
The importance of the Cornelius incident appears also in the
fact that it gave rise to criticism. Apparently this was the first
serious criticism which the gradually widening mission had en-
countered within the Church. There is no suggestion of such
criticism in the case of the preaching in Samaria. But now a
much more radical step had been taken. Peter had eaten with
uncircumcised men. Acts 11:3. A more serious violation of
Jewish particularism could hardly have been imagined.
In defense, Peter appealed simply to the manifest authorization
which he had received from God. That authorization had appeared
first of all in the visions which Peter and Cornelius had received,
with other direct manifestations of the divine will, and also more
particularly in the bestowal of the Spirit. If the Spirit was given
to uncircumcised Gentiles, then circumcision was no longer necessary
to membership in the Church. In the narrative about Cornelius,
there is a remarkable heaping up of supernatural guidance. Vision
is added to vision, revelation to revelation. The reason is plain.
A decisive step was being taken. If taken by human initiative,
it was open to criticism. The separateness of Israel from other
nations was a divine ordinance. Since it had been instituted by
God, it could be abrogated only by him. True, Jesus had said,
"Make disciples of all the nations." Matt. 28 : 19. But the how
and the when had been left undecided. Were the Gentiles to
become Jews in order to become Christians, and was the Gentile
mission to begin at once? Those were grave questions. . They
could not be decided without divine guidance. That guidance
was given in the case of Cornelius.
Peter's defense was readily accepted. "And when they heard
these things, they held their peace, and glorified God, saying,
Then to the Gentiles also hath God granted repentance unto life."
The active opposition to the Gentile mission did not arise until
later. But how could that opposition arise at all? Since God
had spoken so clearly, who could deny to the Gentiles a free
58 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
entrance into the Church? After the case of Cornelius, how could
any possible question arise?
As a matter of fact — though it may seem strange — the ac-
ceptance of Cornelius did not at first determine the policy of the
Church. That incident remained, indeed, stored up in memory.
It was appealed to years afterwards by Peter himself, in order to
support the Gentile Christianity of Paul. Acts 15 : 7-9, 14.
But so far as the practice of the Jewish Church was concerned,
the Cornelius incident seems to have remained for a time without
effect. The bestowal of the Spirit upon Cornelius and his friends
was regarded, apparently, as a special dispensation which fixed
no precedent. Before engaging in further preaching to Gentiles,
the Church was waiting, perhaps, for manifestations of the divine
will as palpable as those which had been given to Peter and to
Cornelius.
This attitude is rather suprising. It must be remembered,
however, that for the present the Church was fully engrossed in
work for Jews. Undoubtedly, a Gentile work was to come, and
the Cornelius incident, as well as what Jesus had said, was regarded
as prophetic of it, Acts 11 : 18; but the time and the manner of its
institution were still undetermined. Were the Gentile converts
generally — whatever might be the special dispensation for Cor-
nelius— to be required to submit to circumcision and become mem-
bers of the chosen people? This and other questions had not yet
even been faced. Engrossed for the present in the Jewish mission,
the Church could leave these questions to the future guidance
of God.
In what follows, a number of special points will be briefly
discussed.
1. PHILIP
After the baptism of the Ethiopian, "the Spirit of the Lord
caught away Philip; and the eunuch saw him no more, for he went
on his way rejoicing. But Philip was found at Azotus: and passing
through he preached the gospel to all the cities, till he came to
Caesarea." The meaning of these words is not perfectly plain.
Are we to understand that Philip was carried away to Azotus by a
miracle, or is nothing more intended than a sudden departure
under the impulsion of the Spirit? The latter interpretation is
not at all impossible. What has been emphazised in the whole
narrative is the strangeness, the unaccountableness of Philip's
THE FIRST GENTILE CONVERTS 59
movements. This appears particularly in the sudden separation
from the eunuch. The eunuch expected further conference with
Philip but suddenly Philip rushed off, as though snatched away
by a higher power. All through this incident, there is something
strangely sudden and unexpected about Philip's movements.
Human deliberation evidently had no part in his actions. He was
under the immediate impulsion of the Spirit.
The narrative leaves Philip at Caesarea, and there he appears
years afterwards, at the time of Paul's last journey to Jerusalem.
Acts 21 : 8, 9. Luke was at that time one of the company, and
may have received directly from Philip the materials for the narra-
tive in the eighth chapter of The Acts. Philip appears in Christian
tradition, but there is some confusion between Philip the evangelist
and Philip the apostle.
2. SIMON MAGUS
Simon the sorcerer, or "Simon Magus," is an interesting figure.
He has laid hold of the fancy of Christendom. From his name —
with reference to Acts 8 : 18, 19 — the word "simony" has been
coined to designate the sin of buying or selling any sort of spiritual
advantage. Simon is very prominent in Christian tradition,
where he is regarded as the fountainhead of all heresy.
3. CORNELIUS
Cornelius was a "centurion," or captain of a company in the
Roman army consisting of about one hundred men. The "Italian
band" to which he belonged was apparently a "cohort," composed
of soldiers from Italy. Cornelius was stationed at Caesarea, the
residence of the procurators of Judea. With the favorable
description of his attitude to the Jews and to the Jewish religion,
Acts 10 : 2, should be compared what Luke, in his Gospel, records
about another centurion. Luke 7:4, 5. These are sympathetic
pictures of the "God-fearing" adherents of Judaism, who formed so
important a class at the time of the first Christian preaching.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 59-67, 91-98. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Sa-
maria," "Samaritan," "Philip" (7), "Simon" (9), "Caesarea," "Cor-
nelius." Ramsay, "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 66-104.
Rackham, pp. 111-124, 141-163. Lumby, pp. 97-108, 122-142.
Plumptre, pp. 47-55, 63-73. Cook, pp. 407-413, 419-430.
LESSON XII
THE CONVERSION OF PAUL
Christianity a supernatural thing and a gift of God's grace — >
that is the real theme of the lesson. The theme is brought home
by means of an example, the example of the apostle Paul.
The religious experience of Paul is the most striking phenomenon
in the history of the human spirit. It really requires no defense.
Give it sympathetic attention, and it is irresistible. How was it
produced? The answer of Paul himself, at least, is plain. Ac-
cording to Paul, his whole religious life was due, not to any natural
development, but to an act of the risen Christ. That is the argu-
ment of the first chapter of Galatians. He was advancing in
Judaism, he says, beyond his contemporaries. He was laying
waste the Church. And then suddenly, when it was least to be
expected, without the influence of men, simply by God's good
pleasure, Christ was revealed to him, and all was changed. The
suddenness, the miraculousness of the change is the very point
of the passage. Upon that marvelous act of God Paul bases the
whole of his life work.
Shall Paul's explanation of his life be accepted? It can be
accepted only by the recognition of Jesus Christ, who was crucified,
as a living person. In an age of doubt, that recognition is not
always easy. But if it be refused, then the whole of Pauline
Christianity is based upon an illusion. That alternative may well
seem to be monstrous. The eighth chapter of Romans has a self-
evidencing power. It has transformed the world. It has entered
into the very fiber of the human spirit. But it crumbles to pieces
if the appearance on the road to Damascus was nothing but a
delusive vision. Let us not deceive ourselves. The religious
experience of Paul and the whole of our evangelical piety are based
upon the historical fact of the resurrection. But if so, then the
resurrection stands firm. For the full glory of Pauline Christianity
becomes a witness to it. The writer of the epistle to the Romans
must be believed. But it is that writer who says, "Last of all
. . . he appeared to me also."
The wonder of the conversion can be felt only through an exercise
60
THE CONVERSION OF PAUL 6l
of the historical imagination. Imagine the surroundings of Paul's
early life in Tarsus, live over again with him the years in Jerusalem,
enter with him into his prospects of a conventional Jewish career
and into his schemes for the destruction of the Church — and then
only can you appreciate with him the catastrophic wonder of Christ's
grace. There was no reason for the conversion of Paul. Every-
thing pointed the other way. But Christ chose to make of the
persecutor an apostle, and the life of Paul was the result. It was
a divine, inexplicable act of grace — grace to Paul and grace to us
who are Paul's debtors. God's mercies are often thus. They
are not of human devising. They enter into human life when
they are least expected, with a sudden blaze of heavenly glory.
In the review of Paul's early life various questions emerge. They
must at least be faced, if not answered, if the lesson is to be vividly
presented.
1. PAUL AT TARSUS
In the first place, what was the extent of the Greek influence
which was exerted upon Paul at Tarsus? The question cannot
be answered with certainty, and widely differing views are held.
It is altogether unlikely, however, that the boy attended anything
like an ordinary Gentile school. The Jewish strictness of the
family precludes that supposition, and it is not required by the
character of Paul's preaching and writing. It is true that he
occasionally quotes a Greek poet. I Cor. 15 : 33; Titus 1 : 12;
Acts 17 : 28. It is true again that some passages in Paul's letters
are rhetorical — for example, I Cor. 1 : 18-25; ch. 13 — and that
rhetoric formed an important part of Greek training in the first
century. But Paul's rhetoric is the rhetoric of nature rather than
of art. Exalted by his theme he falls unconsciously into a splendid
rhythm of utterance. Such rhetoric could not be learned in
school. Finally, it is true that Paul's vocabulary is thought to
exhibit some striking similarities to that of Stoic writers. But
even if that similarity indicates acquaintance on the part of Paul
with the Stoic teaching, such acquaintance need not have been
attained through a study of books.
However, the importance of Paul's Greek environment, if it
must not be exaggerated, must on the other hand not be ignored.
In the first place, Paul is a consummate master of the Greek
language. He must have acquired it in childhood, and indeed in
Tarsus could hardly have failed to do so. In the second place,.
62 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
he was acquainted with the religious beliefs and practices of the
Greco-Roman world. The speech at Athens, Acts 17 : 22-31,
shows how he made use of such knowledge for his preaching. In
all probability the first impressions were made upon him at Tarsus.
Finally, from his home in Tarsus Paul derived that intimate knowl-
edge of the political and social relationships of the men of his day
which, coupled with a native delicacy of perception and fineness
of feeling, resulted in the exquisite tact which he exhibited in his
missionary and pastoral labors. The Tarsian Jew of the dispersion
was a gentleman of the Roman Empire.
That Aramaic, as well as Greek, was spoken by the family of
Paul is made probable by Phil. 3 : 5 and II Cor. 11 : 22. The
word "Hebrew" in these passages probably refers especially to the
use of the Aramaic ("Hebrew") language, as in Acts 6:1, where
the "Hebrews" in the Jerusalem church are contrasted with the
"Grecian Jews." "A Hebrew of Hebrews," therefore, probably
means "an Aramaic-speaking Jew and descended from Aramaic-
speaking Jews." In Acts 21 : 40; 22 : 2 it is expressly recorded
that Paul made a speech in Aramaic ("Hebrew"), and in Acts
26 : 14 it is said that Christ spoke to him in the same language
Conceivably, of course, he might have learned that language
during his student days in Jerusalem. But the passages just
referred to make it probable that it was rather the language of
his earliest home. From childhood Paul knew both Aramaic
and Greek.
2. THE INNER LIFE OF PAUL THE RABBI
The most interesting question about Paul's life at Jerusalem
concerns the condition of his inner life before the conversion.
Paul the Pharisee is an interesting study. What were this man's
thoughts and feelings and desires before the grace of Christ made
him the greatest of Christian missionaries?
The best way to answer this question would be to ask Paul
himself. One passage in the Pauline epistles has been regarded
as an answer to the question. That passage is Rom. 7 : 14-25.
There Paul describes the struggle of the man who knows the law of
God and desires to accomplish it, but finds the flesh too strong
for him. If Paul is there referring to his pre-Christian life, then
the passage gives a vivid picture of his fruitless struggle as a
Pharisee to fulfill the law. Many interpreters, however, refer the
passage not to the pre-Christian life but to the Christian life.
THE CONVERSION OF PAUL 63
Even in the Christian life the struggle goes on against sin. And
even if Paul is referring to the pre-Christian life, he is perhaps
depicting it rather as it really was than as he then thought it was.
The passage probably does not mean that before he became a
Christian Paul was fully conscious of the fruitlessness of his en-
deavor to attain righteousness by the law. Afterwards he saw
that his endeavor was fruitless, but it is doubtful how clearly he
saw it at the time.
It would, indeed, be a mistake to suppose that Paul as a Pharisee
was perfectly happy. No man is happy who is trying to earn
salvation by his works. In his heart of hearts Paul must have
known that his fulfillment of the law was woefully defective.
But such discontentment would naturally lead him only farther
on in the same old path. If his obedience was defective, let it be
mended by increasing zeal! The more earnest Paul was about
his law righteousness, the more discontented he became with his
attainments, so much the more zealous did he become as a per-
secutor.
Some have supposed that Paul was gradually getting nearer
to Christianity before Christ appeared to him — that the Damas-
cus experience only completed a process that had already begun.
There were various things, it is said, which might lead the earnest
Pharisee to consider Christianity favorably. In the first place,
there was the manifest impossibility of law righteousness. Paul
had tried to keep the law and had failed. What if the Christians
were right about salvation by faith? In the second place, there
were the Old Testament prophecies about a suffering servant of
Jehovah. Isa., ch. 53. If they referred to the Messiah, then
the cross might be explained, as the Christians explained it, as
a sacrifice for others. The stumblingblock of a crucified Messiah
would thus be removed. In the third place, there was the noble
life and death of the Christian martyrs.
These arguments are not so weighty as they seem. Paul's
dissatisfaction with his fulfillment of the law, as has already been
observed, might lead to a more zealous effort to fulfill the law as
well as to a relinquishment of the law. There seems to be no clear
evidence that the pre-Christian Jews ever contemplated a death
of the Messiah like the death of Jesus. On the contrary the
current expectation of the Messiah was diametrically opposed to
any such thing. And admiration of the Christian martyrs is
perhaps too modern and too Christian to be attributed to the
64 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
Pharisee. The fundamental trouble with this whole argument is
that it proves merely that the Pharisee Paul ought to have been
favorably impressed with Christianity. So he ought, but as a
matter of fact he was not so impressed, and we have the strongest
kind of evidence to prove that he was not. The book of The Acts
says so, and Paul says so just as clearly in his letters. The very
fact that when he was converted he was on a persecuting expedi-
tion, more ambitious than any that had been attempted before,
shows that he was certainly not thinking favorably of Chris-
tianity. Was he considering the possibility that Christianity
might be true? Was he trying to stifle his own inward uncertainty
by the very madness of his zeal? Then, in persecuting the Church,
he was going against his conscience. But in I Tim. 1 : 13 he
distinctly says that his persecuting was done ignorantly in un-
belief, and his attitude is the same in his other epistles. If in
persecuting the Church he was acting contrary to better con-
viction, then that fact would have constituted the chief element
in his guilt; yet in the passages where he speaks with the deepest
contrition of his persecution, that particularly heinous sin is never
mentioned. Evidently, whatever was his guilt, at least he did
not have to reproach himself with the black sin of persecuting
Christ's followers in the face of even a half conviction.
Accordingly, the words of Christ to Paul at the time of the
conversion, "It is hard for thee to kick against the goad," Acts
26 : 14, do not mean that Paul had been resisting an inward voice
of conscience in not accepting Christ before, but rather that
Christ's will for Paul was really resistless even though Paul had
not known it at all. Christ's loving plan would be carried out
in the end. Paul was destined to be the apostle to the Gentiles.
For him to try to be anything else was as useless and as painful
as it is for the ox to kick against the goad. Christ will have his
way.
Thus before his conversion Paul was moving away from Chris-
tianity rather than toward it. Of course, in emphasizing the
suddenness of the conversion, exaggerations must be avoided.
It is absurd, for example, to suppose that Paul knew nothing at
all about Jesus before the Damascus event. Of course he knew
about him. Even if he had been indifferent, he could hardly have
failed to hear the story of the Galilean prophet; and as a matter
of fact he was not indifferent but intensely interested, though by
way of opposition. These things were not done in a corner. Paul-
THE CONVERSION OF PAUL 65
was in Jerusalem before and after the crucifixion, if not at the very
time itself. The main facts in the life of Jesus were known to
friend and foe alike. Thus when in the first chapter of Galatians
Paul declares that he received his gospel not through any human
agency but directly from Christ, he cannot mean that the
risen Christ imparted to him the facts in the earthly life
of Jesus. It never occurred to Paul to regard the bare facts as a
"gospel." He had the facts by ordinary word of mouth from the
eyewitnesses. What he received from the risen Christ was a new
interpretation of the facts. He had known the facts before.
But they had filled him with hatred. He had known about
Jesus. But the more he had known about him, the more he had
hated him. And then Christ himself appeared to him! It might
naturally have been an appearance in wrath, a thunderstroke of
the just vengeance of the Messiah. Probably that was Paul's
first thought when he heard the words, "I am Jesus whom thou
persecutest." But such was not the Lord's will. The purpose
of the Damascus wonder was not destruction but divine fellowship
and world-wide service.
3. PAUL'S EXPERIENCE AND OURS
In one sense, the experience of Paul is the experience of every
Christian. Not, of course, in form. It is a great mistake to
demand of every man that he shall be able, like Paul, to give day
and hour of his conversion. Many men, it is true, still have such
a definite experience. It is not pathological. It may result in
glorious Christian lives. But it is not universal, and it should not
be induced by tactless methods. The children of Christian homes
often seem to grow up into the love of Christ. When they decide
to unite themselves definitely with the Church, the decision need
not necessarily come with anguish of soul. It may be simply the
culmination of a God-encircled childhood, a recognition of what
God has already done rather than the acquisition of something
new. But after all, these differences are merely in the manner
of God's working. In essence, true Christian experience is always
the same, and in essence it is always like the experience of Paul.
It is no mere means of making better citizens, but an end in itself.
It is no product of man's effort, but a divine gift. Whatever be
the manner of its coming, it is a heavenly vision. Christ still
lives in the midst of glory. And still he appears to sinful men —
though not now to the bodily eye — drawing them out of sin and
Sen. T. ILL 1.
66 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
misery and bondage to a transitory world into communion with
the holy and eternal God.
The result of Paul's vision was service. How far his destination
as apostle to the Gentiles was made known to him at once is perhaps
uncertain. It depends partly upon the interpretation of Acts
26 : 14-18. Are those words intended to be part of what was
spoken at the very time of the conversion? There is no insuper-
able objection to that view. At any rate, no matter how much or
how little was revealed at once, the real purpose of Christ in calling
him was clearly that he should be the leader of the Gentile mission.
Gal. 1 : 16. He was saved in order that he might save others.
It is so normally with every Christian. Every one of us is given
not only salvation, but also labor. In that labor we can use every
bit of preparation that is ours, even if it was acquired before we
became Christians. Paul, the apostle, used his Greek training
as well as his knowledge of the Old Testament. We can use
whatever talents we possess. The Christian life is not a life of
idleness. It is like the life of the world in being full of labor.
But it differs from that life in that its labor is always worth while.
Connection with heaven does not mean idle contemplation, but a
vantage ground of power. You cannot move the world without
a place to stand.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 68-85. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Damascus."
Ramsay, "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 1 13-120; "St. Paul
the Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 29-39; "The Cities of St.
Paul," pp. 85-244 (on Tarsus). Conybeare and Howson, "The Life
and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. ii and iii. Lewin, "The Life and
Epistles of St. Paul," chs. i and iv. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul,"
pp. 1-42. Rackham, pp. 124-135, 421-424, 462-470. Lumby, pp. 108-
116, 302-307, 344-349- Plumptre, pp. 55"6i, 150-152, 165-167. Cook,
pp. 413-417, 498-500, 5i6-5i9-
LESSON XIII
THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH
Christianity originated in an obscure corner of the Roman
Empire, in the midst of a very peculiar people. At first, it was
entirely out of relation to the larger life of the time. The atmos-
phere of the Gospels is as un-Greek as could be imagined; the very
conception of Messiahship is distinctively Jewish.
Yet this Jewish sect soon entered upon the conquest of the empire,
and the Jewish Messiah became the Saviour of the world. Starting
from Jerusalem, the new sect spread within a few decades almost to
the remotest corners of the civilized world. This remarkable
extension was not the work of any one man or group of men.
It seemed rather to be due to some mysterious power of growth,
operating in many directions and in many ways. In this manifold
extension of the gospel, however, the central event of to-day's
lesson stands out with special clearness. Christianity began as
a Jewish movement, quite incongruous with the larger life of the
empire. What would be the result of its first real contact with
the culture of the time? This question was answered at Antioch.
At Antioch, the principles of the Gentile mission had to be
established once for all — those principles which have governed
the entire subsequent history of the Church. The extension of
the gospel to the Gentiles was not a mere overcoming of racial
prejudice, for the separateness of Israel had been of divine appoint-
ment; it involved rather the recognition that a new dispensation
had begun. Primitive Christianity was not governed merely by
considerations of practical expediency; it sought justification for
every new step in^the guidance of the Spirit and in the fundamental
principles of the gospel. The development of those fundamental
principles was necessary in order to show that Christianity was
really more than a Jewish sect. Then as always, religion without
theology would have been a weak and flabby thing. Christianity
is not merely an instrument for the improving of social conditions,
but rather an answer to the fundamental questions of the soul.
It can never do without thinking, and Christian thinking is theology.
Fortunately the church at Antioch did not long remain without
67
68 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
a theologian. Its theologian was Paul. Paul was not the founder
of the church at Antioch ; but the theology of Paul was what gave
to that church its really fundamental importance in the history
of the world.
The lesson for to-day is of extraordinary richness and variety.
Much can be learned, for example, from the characters of the story.
Barnabas, with his generous recognition of the great man who
was soon to overshadow him; those obscure men of Cyprus and
Cyrene, not even mentioned by name, whose work at Antioch
was one of the great turning points of history; Agabus, the prophet,
and the charitable brethren of Antioch; Rhoda, the serving girl,
and the prayerful assembly in the house of the mother of Mark —
every one of these teaches some special lesson. One lesson,
moreover, may be learned from them all — God is the real leader
of the Church, and true disciples, though different in character
and in attainments, are all sharers in a mighty work.
In what follows, an attempt will be made to throw light upon
a few of the historical questions which are suggested by the narra-
tive in The Acts, and to picture as vividly as possible the scene of
these stirring events.
1. THE ACTS AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES
The differences between the narrative in The Acts and the
account which Paul gives of the same events have caused con-
siderable difficulty. This very difficulty, however, is by no means
an unmixed evil; for it shows at least that Luke was entirely in-
dependent of the Epistles. If he had employed the Epistles in
the composition of his book he would surely have avoided even
the appearance of contradicting them. The divergences between
The Acts and the Pauline Epistles, therefore, can only mean that
Luke did not use the Epistles when he wrote; and since the Epistles
came to be generally used at a very early time, The Acts cannot
have been written at so late a date as is often supposed. But if
the book was written at an early time, then there is every probability
that the information which it contains is derived from trust-
worthy sources.
Thus the very divergences between The Acts and the Pauline
Epistles, unless indeed they should amount to positive contradic-
tions, strengthen the argument for the early date and high histori-
cal value of the Lucan work. The independence of The Acts is
supported also by the complete absence of striking verbal similarity
THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH 69
between the narrative in The Acts and the corresponding passages
in the Epistles. Even where the details of the two accounts are
similar, the words are different. The few unimportant coinci-
dences in language are altogether insufficient to overthrow this
general impression of independence.
The most natural supposition, therefore, is that in The Acts
and in the Epistles we have two independent and trustworthy
accounts of the same events. This supposition is really borne out
by the details of the two narratives. There are differences, but
the differences are only what is to be expected in two narratives
which were written from entirely different points of view and in
complete independence of one another. Contradictions have
been detected only by pressing unduly the language of one source
or the other. Thus, in reading The Acts alone, one might suppose
that Paul spent the whole time between his conversion and his
first visit to Jerusalem in Damascus, and that this period was less
than three years; but these suppositions are only inferences.
Apparently Luke was not aware of the journey to Arabia; but an
incomplete narrative is not necessarily inaccurate. Again, in the
account of that first visit to Jerusalem, the reader of The Acts
might naturally suppose that more than one of the Twelve was
present, that the main purpose of the journey was rather to engage
in preaching than to make the acquaintance of Peter, and that the
visit lasted longer than fifteen days; and on the other hand, the
reader of Galatians might perhaps suppose that instead of preaching
in Jerusalem Paul remained, while there, in strict retirement.
Again, however, these suppositions would be inferences; and the
falsity of them simply shows how cautious the historian should
be in reading between the lines of a narrative. Finally, the dif-
ferences between Paul and Luke are overbalanced by the striking
and undesigned agreements.
In Galatians, Paul does not mention the visit which he and
Barnabas made in Jerusalem at the time of the famine. This
conclusion has been avoided by those scholars who with Ramsay
identify the "famine visit" with the visit mentioned in Gal. 2 : 1-10.
The more usual view, however, is that Gal. 2 : 1-10 is to be regarded
as parallel, not with Acts' 11 : 30; 12 : 25, but with Acts 15 : 1-30.
The second visit mentioned by Paul is thus identified with
the third visit mentioned by Luke. Paul did not mention the
famine visit because, as was probably admitted even by his oppo-
nents in Galatia, the apostles at the time of that visit were all out
70 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
of the city, so that there was no chance of a meeting with them.
The subject under discussion in Galatians was not Paul's life in
general, but the relation between Paul and the original apostles.
2. THE PREACHING TO "GREEKS"
In Acts 11 : 20, the best manuscripts read "spake unto the
Hellenists" instead of "spake unto the Greeks." The word
"Hellenist" usually means "Grecian Jew." Here, however, if this
word is to be read, it must refer not to Jews, but to Gentiles;
for the contrast with the preaching to Jews that is mentioned
just before, is the very point of the verse. Perhaps at this point
the manuscripts which read "Greeks" (that is, "Gentiles") are
correct. In either case, the meaning is fixed by the context.
These Jews of Cyprus and Cyrene, when they arrived at Antioch
certainly began to preach regularly to Gentiles.
3. PETERS ESCAPE FROM PRISON
In Acts 12 : 1-24, Luke brings the account of affairs in Jerusalem
up to the time which has already been reached in the narrative
about Antioch. The journey of Barnabas and Paul to Jerusalem,
Acts 11 : 30; 12 : 25, supplied the connecting link. While the
church at Antioch was progressing in the manner described in
Acts 11 : 19-30, a persecution had been carried on in Jerusalem
by Herod Agrippa I. The escape of Peter is narrated in an ex-
traordinarily lifelike way. Evidently Luke was in possession of
first-hand information. The vividness of the narrative is very
significant. It shows that the unmistakable trustworthiness of
The Acts extends even to those happenings which were most clearly
miraculous. The supernatural cannot be eliminated from apostolic
history.
4. ANTIOCH
Antioch on the Orontes was founded by Seleucus Nicator, the
first monarch of the Seleucid dynast}', and under his successors it
remained the capital of the Syrian kingdom. When that kingdom
was conquered by the Romans, the political importance of Antioch
did not suffer. Antioch became under the Romans not only the
capital of the province Syria but also the residence of the emperors
and high officials when they were in the east. It may be regarded
as a sort of eastern capital of the empire.
The political importance of Antioch was no greater than its
THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH 7 1
commercial importance. Situated near the northeastern corner
of the Mediterranean Sea, where the Mediterranean coast is nearer
to the Euphrates than at any other point, where the Orontes valley
provided easy communication with the east and the Syrian gates
with the west, with a magnificent artificial harbor at Seleucia,
about twenty miles distant, Antioch naturally became the great
meeting point for the trade of east and west. It is not surprising
that Antioch was the third city of the empire — after Rome and
Alexandria.
The city was built on a plain between the Orontes on the north
and the precipitous slopes of Mount Silpius on the south. A
great wall extended over the rugged heights of the mountain and
around the city. A magnificent street led through the city from
east to west. The buildings were of extraordinary magnificence.
Perhaps as magnificent as the city itself was the famous Daphne,
a neighboring shrine and pleasure resort, well-known for its gilded
vice.
The dominant language of Antioch, from the beginning, had
been Greek. The Seleucids prided themselves on the Greek culture
of their court, and Roman rule introduced no essential change.
Of course, along with the Greek language and Greek culture went
a large admixture of eastern blood and eastern custom. Like the
other great cities of the empire, Antioch was a meeting place of
various peoples, a typical cosmopolitan center of a world-wide
empire. The Jewish population, of course, was numerous.
Such was the seat of the apostolic missionary church. Almost
lost at first in the seething life of the great city, that church was
destined to outlive all the magnificence that surrounded it. A new
seed had been implanted in the ancient world, and God would give
the increase.
In the Library.— Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
85-90, 98-110. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Agabus,"
"Antioch," "Arabia," "Aretas," "Barnabas," "Herod" (3). Ram-
say, "St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 40-69;
"Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 121-128. Lewin, "The Life
and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. v, vi and vii. Conybeare and Howson,
"The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," ch. iv. Stalker, "The Life of
St. Paul," pp. 44-63. Lumby, pp. 1 16-122, 142-155, 307-309. Cook,
pp. 416-418, 430-433, 500, 50i. Plumptre, pp. 60-62, 73-79, 152.
Rackham, pp. 136-141, 163-184.
Christianity Established Among
the Gentiles
The Principles and Practice
of the Gospel
LESSON XIV
THE GOSPEL TO THE GENTILES
It was a dramatic moment when Paul and Barnabas, with their
helper, set sail from Seleucia, on the waters of the Mediterranean.
Behind them lay Syria and Palestine and the history of the chosen
people; in front of them was the west. The religion of Israel had
emerged from its age-long seclusion ; it had entered at last upon the
conquest of the world.
The message that crossed the strait to Cyprus was destined to
be carried over broader seas. A mighty enterprise was begun.
It was an audacious thought! The missionaries might well have
been overpowered by what lay before them — by the power of a
world empire, by the prestige of a brilliant civilization. How
insignificant were their own weapons! Would they ever even
gain a hearing? But though the enterprise was begun in weakness
it was begun in faith. At their departure from Antioch the mis-
sionaries were "committed to the grace of God."
The account of this first missionary journey is one of the most
fascinating passages in The Acts. The interest never flags; incident
follows incident in wonderful variety. In reading this narrative,
we are transplanted into the midst of the ancient world, we come
to breathe the very atmosphere of that cosmopolitan age. In the
lesson of to-day the teacher has an unusual opportunity. If he
uses it well, he may cause the Bible story to live again. Absolutely
essential to that end is the judicious use of a map — preferably
something larger than the small sketch map of the Text Book.
A travel narrative without a map is a hopeless jumble. The map
is an aid both to memory and to imagination. Tracing the route
of the missionaries on the map, the teacher should endeavor to
call up the scenes through which they passed. The student should
be made to see the waters of the Mediterranean, with the hills of
Cyprus beyond, the interminable stretches of the Roman roads,
the lofty mountains of the Taurus, the perils of rivers and the
perils of robbers, the teeming population of the countless cities —
and through it all the simple missionaries of the cross, almost
unnoticed amid the turmoil of the busy world, but rich in the
Sen. T. III. 2. 75
76 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
possession of a world-conquering gospel and resistless through the
power of the living God.
1. THE PROPHETS AND TEACHERS
Both prophecy and teaching were gifts of the Spirit. I Cor.
12 : 28-31. Prophecy was immediate revelation of the divine
plan or of the divine will; teaching, apparently, was logical develop-
ment of the truth already given. Which of the men who are
mentioned in Acts 13 : 1 were prophets and which were teachers
is not clear. If any division is intended it is probably between the
first three and the last two. For this grouping there is perhaps
some slight indication in the connectives that are used in the Greek,
but the matter is not certain. Perhaps all five of the men were
possessed of both gifts.
Lucius was perhaps one of the founders of the church, for he
came from Cyrene. Compare Acts 11 : 20. Manaen is an in-
teresting figure. He is called " foster-brother" of Herod the
tetrarch. The word translated "foster-brother" is apparently
sometimes used in a derived sense, to designate simply an intimate
associate of a prince. If that be the meaning here, then at least
one member of the church at Antioch was a man of some social
standing. In Antioch, as in Corinth, probably "not many wise
after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble" were called,
I Cor. 1 : 26; but in Antioch as in Corinth there were exceptions.
The Herod who is here meant is Herod Antipas, the "Herod" of
the Gospels.
2. ELYMAS
When the Jewish sorcerer is first mentioned he is called Bar-
Jesus — that is, "son of Jesus," Jesus being a common Jewish name.
Then, a little below, the same man is called "Elymas the sorcerer,"
and the explanation is added, "for so is his name by interpretation."
Apparently the new name Elymas is introduced without explanation,
and then the Greek word for "sorcerer" is introduced as a translation
of that. The word Elymas is variously derived from an Arabic word
meaning "wise," or an Aramaic word meaning "strong." In either
case the Greek word, "magos," for which our English Bible has
"sorcerer," is a fair equivalent. That Greek word is the word that
appears also in Matt. 2:1, 7, 16, where the English Bible has
"Wise-men"; and words derived from the same root are used to
describe Simon of Samaria in Acts 8:9, 11. The word could
designate men of different character. Some "magi" might be
Sen. T. Ill, 2.
THE GOSPEL TO THE GENTILES 77
regarded as students of natural science; in others, superstition and
charlatanism were dominant.
3. SAUL AND PAUL
At Acts 13 :9 Luke introduces the name "Paul" — "Saul, who is
also called Paul." Previously the narrative always uses the
Jewish name "Saul"; after this "Paul" appears with equal regu-
larity, except in the accounts of the conversion, where in three
verses a special, entirely un-Greek form of "Saul" is used. Acts
22 : 7, 13; 26 : 14. Since in our passage in the original the name of
the proconsul, Paulus, is exactly like the name of the apostle, some
have supposed that Paul assumed a new name in honor of his
distinguished convert. That is altogether unlikely. More probable
is the suggestion that although Paul had both names from the
beginning, Luke is led to introduce the name Paul at just this
point because of the coincidence with the name of the proconsul.
Even this supposition, however, is extremely doubtful. Probably
the Roman name, which Paul uses invariably in his letters, is
introduced at this point simply because here for the first time Paul
comes prominently forward in a distinctly Roman environment.
4. PAUL AND BARNABAS
Connected with this variation in name is the reversal in the
relation between Paul and Barnabas. Previously Barnabas has
been given the priority; but immediately after the incident at
Paphos the missionaries are designated as "Paul and his company,"
Acts 13 : 13, and thereafter when the two are mentioned together,
Paul, except at Acts 14 : 12, 14; 15 : 12, 25, appears first. In the
presence of the Roman proconsul, Paul's Roman citizenship
perhaps caused him to take the lead; and then inherent supe-
riority made his leadership permanent.
5. THE RETURN OF JOHN MARK
The reasons for John Mark's return from Perga to Jerusalem
can only be surmised. Perhaps he was simply unwilling, for some
reason sufficient to him but insufficient to Paul, to undertake the
hardships of the journey into the interior. Certainly it was an
adventurous journey. Paul was not always an easy man to follow.
The severity of Paul's judgment of Mark was not necessarily
so great as has sometimes been supposed. One purpose of the
second journey was to revisit the churches of the first journey. Acts
78 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
15 : 36. Whether for good or for bad reasons, Mark, as a matter
of fact, had not been with the missionaries on a large part of that
first journey, and was, therefore, unknown to many of the churches.
For this reason, perhaps as much as on account of moral objec-
tions, Paul considered Mark an unsuitable helper. In his later
epistles Paul speaks of Mark in the most cordial way. Col. 4 : 10;
Philem. 24; II Tim. 4:11. In the last passage, he even says that
Mark was useful to him for ministering — exactly what he had not
been at the beginning of the second missionary journey.
6. HARDSHIPS AND PERSECUTIONS
It is evident from II Cor. 11 : 23-27 that Luke has recorded only
a small fraction of the hardships which Paul endured as a missionary
of the cross. The tendency to lay exaggerated stress upon martyr-
dom and suffering, which runs riot in the later legends of the saints,
is in The Acts conspicuous by its absence. Of the trials which are
vouched for by the unimpeachable testimony of Paul himself,
only a few may be identified in the Lucan narrative. It is natural,
however, to suppose that some of the "perils of rivers" and "perils
of robbers" were encountered on the journey through the defiles
of the Taurus mountains from Perga to Pisidian Antioch, and the
one stoning which Paul mentions is clearly to be identified with the
adventure at Lystra. In II Tim. 3:11 Paul mentions the perse-
cutions at Antioch, Iconium and Lystra.
7. GEOGRAPHY OF THE FIRST JOURNEY
The first missionary journey led the missionaries into three
Roman provinces: Cyprus, Pamphylia and Galatia. The name
"Galatia" had originally designated a district in the north central
part of Asia Minor, which had been colonized by certain Celtic
tribes several centuries before Christ. By the Romans, however,
other districts were added to this original Galatia, and in 25 B. C.
the whole complex was organized into an imperial province under
the name Galatia. In the first century after Christ, therefore,
the name Galatia could be used in two distinct senses. In the
first place, in the earlier, popular sense, it could designate Galatia
proper. In the second place, in the later, official sense, it could
designate the whole Roman province, which included not only
Galatia proper, but also parts of a number of other districts, in-
cluding Phrygia and Lycaonia. Of the cities visited on the first
missionary journey, Pisidian Antioch — which was called "Pisidian"
THE GOSPEL TO THE GENTILES 79
because it was near Pisidia — and Iconium were in Phrygia, and
Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia; but all four were included in the
province of Galatia. Many scholars suppose that the churches
in these cities were the churches which Paul addresses in the Epistle
to the Galatians. That view is called the "South Galatian theory."
Others — adherents of the "North Galatian theory" — suppose that
the epistle is addressed to churches in Galatia proper, in the northern
part of the Roman province, which were founded on the second
missionary journey. This question will be noticed again in con-
nection with the epistle.
8. TIME OF THE FIRST JOURNEY
Luke gives very little indication of the amount of time which
was consumed on this first journey. The hasty reader probably
estimates the time too low, since only a few incidents are narrated.
The rapidity of the narrative should not be misinterpreted as
indicating cursoriness of the labor. The passage through Cyprus,
Acts 13 : 6, was probably accompanied by evangelizing; the exten-
sion of the gospel through the whole region of Antioch, v. 49, must
have occupied more than a few days; the stay at Iconium is desig-
nated as "long time," Acts 14 : 3; the change of attitude on the
part of the Lystran populace, v. 19, was probably not absolutely
sudden; not only Lystra and Derbe but also the surrounding
country were evangelized, v. 6; and finally the missionaries could
hardly have returned to the cities from which they had been
driven out, v. 21, unless the heat of persecution had been allowed
to cool. Perhaps a full year would not be too high an estimate of
the time that was occupied by the journey, and still higher estimates
are by no means excluded.
9. THE SCENE AT LYSTRA
The account of the incident at Lystra is one of those inimitable
bits of narrative which imprint upon The Acts the indisputable
stamp of historicity. Lystra, though a Roman colony, lay some-
what off the beaten track of culture and of trade; hence the extreme
superstition of the populace is what might be expected. It may
seem rather strange that Paul and Barnabas should have been
identified with great gods of Olympus rather than with lesser
divinities or spirits, but who can place a limit upon the superstition
of an uncultured people of the ancient world? The identification
may have been rendered easier by the legend of Philemon and
80 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
Baucis, which has been preserved for us by Ovid, the Latin poet.
According to that legend, Zeus and Hermes appeared, once upon
a time, in human form in Phrygia, the same general region in which
Lystra was situated. Zeus and Hermes are the gods with whom
Barnabas and Paul were identified; the English Bible simply sub-
stitutes for these Greek names the names of the corresponding
Roman deities. The temple of Zeus-before-the-city and the prep-
arations for sacrifices are described in a most lifelike way, in full
accord with what is known of ancient religion. We find ourselves
here in a somewhat different atmosphere from that which prevails
in most of the scenes described in The Acts. It is a pagan atmos-
phere, and an atmosphere of ruder superstition than that which
prevailed in the great cities. The "speech of Lycaonia," v. 11, is
an especially characteristic touch. Apparently the all-pervading
Greek was understood at Lystra even by the populace; but in the
excitement of their superstition they fell very naturally into their
native language.
As in the case of Peter's release from prison, so in this incident,
wonderful lifelikeness of description is coupled with a miracle.
The scene at Lystra is unintelligible without the miraculous healing
of the lame man, with which it begins. It is impossible, in The
Acts as well as in the Gospels, to separate the miraculous from the
rest of the narrative. The evident truthfulness of the story applies
to the supernatural elements as well as to the rest. The early Chris-
tian mission is evidently real; but it is just as evidently super-
natural. It moved through the varied scenes of the real world, but
it was not limited by the world. It was animated by a myste-
rious, superhuman power.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 111-122. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Cyprus,"
"Antioch" (2), "Iconium," "Lystra," "Derbe," "Galatia." Hastings,
"Dictionary of the Bible": Muir, article on "Cyprus"; Massie, article
on "Bar- Jesus"; Headlam, article on "Paulus, Sergius"; Ramsay,
articles on "Antioch in Pisidia," "Iconium," "Lystra," "Derbe,"
"Galatia." Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen,"
pp. 64-129; "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 247-419; "Pictures of the
Apostolic Church," pp. 129-153. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of
St. Paul," chapter viii. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life and
Epistles of St. Paul," chapters v and vi. Stalker, "The Life of St.
Paul," pp. 65-71. Lumby, pp. 155-183. Cook, pp. 437-451. Plumptre,
pp. 79-93. Rackham, pp. 194-238.
LESSON XV
THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM
The lesson for to-day deals with one of the most important events
in apostolic history. At the Jerusalem, council the principles of
the Gentile mission and of the entire life of the Church were brought
to clear expression. If the original apostles had agreed with the
Judaizers against Paul, the whole history of the Church would have
been different. There would even have been room to doubt whether
Paul was really a disciple of Jesus; for if he was, how could he come
to differ so radically from those whom Jesus had taught? As a
matter of fact, however, these dire consequences were avoided.
When the issue was made between Paul and the Judaizers, the
original apostles decided whole-heartedly for Paul. The unity
of the Church was preserved. God was guiding the deliberations
of the council.
1. THE ACTS AND GALATIANS
The treatment of to-day's lesson in the Student's Text Book is
based upon the assumption that Gal. 2 : 1-10 is an account of the
same visit of Paul to Jerusalem as the visit which is described in
Acts 15 : 1-29. That assumption is not universally accepted.
Some scholars identify the event of Gal. 2 : 1-10, not with the
Apostolic Council of Acts 15 : 1-29, but with the "famine visit"
of Acts 11 :30; 12 : 25. Indeed, some maintain that the Epistle
to the Galatians not only contains no account of the Apostolic
Council, but was actually written before the council was held —
say at Antioch, soon after the first missionary journey. Of course
this early dating of Galatians can be adopted only in connection
with the "South Galatian theory"; for according to the "North
Galatian theory" the churches addressed in the epistle were not
founded until after the council, namely at the time of Acts 16 : 6.
Undoubtedly the identification of Gal. 2 : 1-10 with Acts 11 : 30;
12 : 25, avoids some difficulties. If Gal. 2 : 1-10 be identified
with Acts 15 : 1-29, then Paul in Galatians has passed over the
famine visit without mention. Furthermore there are considerable
differences between Gal. 2 : 1-10 and Acts 15 : 1-29. For example,
Sen. T. ITT. 2. 3j
82 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
if Paul is referring to the Apostolic Council, why has he not men-
tioned the apostolic decree of Acts 15 : 23-29? These difficulties,
however, are not insuperable, and there are counter difficulties
against the identification of Gal. 2 : 1-10 with the famine visit.
One such difficulty is connected with chronology. Paul says
that his first visit to Jerusalem took place three years after his
conversion, Gal. 1 : 18, and — according to the most natural in-
terpretation of Gal. 2 : 1 — that the visit of Gal. 2 : 1-10 took place
fourteen years after the first visit. The conversion then occurred
seventeen years before the time of Gal. 2 : 1-10. But if Gal. 2 : 1-10
describes the famine visit, then the time of Gal. 2 : 1-10 could not
have been after about A. D. 46. Counting back seventeen years
from A. D. 46 we should get A. D. 29 as the date of the conversion,
which is, of course, too early.
This reasoning, it must be admitted, is not quite conclusive.
The ancients had an inclusive method of reckoning time. Accord-
ing to this method three years after 1914 would be 1916. Hence,
fourteen plus three might be only what we should call about fifteen
years, instead of seventeen. Furthermore, Paul may mean in
Gal. 2 : 1 that his conference with the apostles took place fourteen
years after the conversion rather than fourteen years after the
first visit.
The identification of Gal. 2 : 1-10 with the famine visit is not
impossible. But on the whole the usual view, which identifies the
event of Gal. 2 : 1-10 with the meeting at the time of the Apostolic
Council of Acts 15 : 1-29, must be regarded as more probable.
The Apostolic Council probably took place roughly at about A. D.
49. The conversion of Paul then should probably be put at about
A. D. 32-34.
2. THE JUDAIZERS
Conceivably the question about the freedom of the Gentiles
from the law might have arisen at an earlier time; for Gentiles had
already been received into the Church before the first missionary
journey. As a matter of fact, indeed, some objection had been
raised to the reception of Cornelius. But that objection had easily
been silenced by an appeal to the immediate guidance of God.
Perhaps the case of Cornelius could be regarded as exceptional;
and a similar reflection might possibly have been applied to the
Gentile Christians at Antioch. There seemed to be no danger, at
any rate, that the predominantly Jewish character of the Church
would be lost. Now, however, after a regular Gentile mission had
THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM 83
been carried on with signal success, the situation was materially
altered. Evidently the influx of Gentile converts, if allowed to
go on unhindered, would change the whole character of the Church.
Christianity would appear altogether as a new dispensation: the
prerogatives of Israel would be gone. The question of Gentile
Christianity had existed before, but after the first missionary jour-
ney it became acute.
Perhaps, however, there was also another reason why the battle
had not been fought out at an earlier time. It looks very much
as though this bitter opposition to the Gentile mission had arisen
only through the appearance of a new element in the Jerusalem
church. Were these extreme legalists, who objected to the work
of Paul and Barnabas — were these men present in the Church from
the beginning? The question is more than doubtful. It is more
probable that these legalists came into the Church during the
period of prosperity which followed upon the persecution of Stephen
and was only briefly interrupted by the persecution under Herod
Agrippa I.
These Jewish Christian opponents of the Gentile mission — these
"Judaizers" — must be examined with some care. They are de-
scribed not only by Luke in The Acts but by Paul himself in Gala-
tians. According to The Acts, some of them at least had
belonged to the sect of the Pharisees before they had become
Christians. Acts 15 : 5.
The activity of the Judaizers is described by Luke in complete
independence of the account given by Paul. As usual, Luke
contents himself with a record of external fact, while Paul uncovers
the deeper motives of the Judaizers' actions. Yet the facts as
reported by Luke fully justify the harsh words which Paul employs.
According to Paul, these Judaizers were "false brethren privily
brought in, who came in privily to spy out our liberty which we
have in Christ Jesus, that they might bring us into bondage."
Gal. 2:4. By calling them "false brethren" Paul means simply
that they had not really grasped the fundamental principle of the
gospel — the principle of justification by faith. They were still
trying to earn their salvation by their works instead of receiving
it as a gift of God. At heart they were still Jews rather than
Christians. They came in privily into places where they did not
belong — perhaps Paul means especially into the church at Antioch —
in order to spy out Christian liberty. Gal. 2 : 4. Compare Acts
15 :1.
84 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
The rise of this Judaizing party is easy to understand. In some
respects the Judaizers were simply following the line of least re-
sistance. By upholding the Mosaic law they would escape persecu-
tion and even obtain honor. We have seen that it was the Jews
who instigated the early persecutions of the Church. Such persecu-
tions would be avoided by the Judaizers, for they could say to their
non-Christian countrymen: "We are engaged simply in one form
of the world-wide Jewish mission. We are requiring our converts
to keep the Mosaic law and unite themselves definitely with the
people of Israel. Every convert that we gain is a convert to
Judaism. The cross of Christ that we proclaim is supplementary
to the law, not subversive of it. We deserve therefore from
the Jews not persecution but honor." Compare what Paul says
about the Judaizers in Galatia. Gal. 6 : 12, 13.
3. THE APOSTOLIC DECREE
At first sight it seems rather strange that Paul in Galatians does
not mention the apostolic decree. Some have supposed that his
words even exclude any decree of that sort. In Gal. 2 : 6 Paul
says that the pillars of the Jerusalem church "imparted nothing"
to him. Yet according to The Acts they imparted to him this
decree. The decree, moreover, seems to have a direct bearing upon
the question that Paul was discussing in Galatians; for it involved
the imposition of a part of the ceremonial law upon Gentile Chris-
tians. How then, if the decree really was passed as Luke says it
was, could it have been left unmentioned by Paul?
There are various ways of overcoming the difficulty. In the
first place it is not perfectly certain that any of the prohibitions
contained in the decree are ceremonial in character. Three of
them are probably ceremonial if the text of most manuscripts of
The Acts is correct. Most manuscripts read, at Acts 15 : 29:
"That ye abstain from things sacrificed to idols, and from blood,
and from things strangled, and from fornication; from which if
ye keep yourselves, it shall be well with you." Here "things
offered to idols" apparently describes not idolatrous worship, but
food which had been dedicated to idols; and "blood" describes meat
used for food without previous removal of the blood. This meaning
of "blood" is apparently fixed by the addition of "things strangled."
Since "things strangled" evidently refers to food, probably the two
preceding expressions refer to food also. According to the great
mass of our witnesses to the text, therefore, the apostolic decree
THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM 85
contains a food law. A few witnesses, however, omit all reference
to things strangled, not only at Acts 15 : 29 but also at v. 20 and
at ch. 21 : 25. If this text be original, then it is possible to interpret
the prohibitions as simply moral and not at all ceremonial in
character. "Things offered to idols" may be interpreted simply
of idolatry, and "blood" of murder. But if the prohibitions are
prohibitions of immorality, then they cannot be said to have
"imparted" anything to Paul; for of course he was as much opposed
to immorality as anyone.
However, the more familiar form of the text is probably correct.
The witnesses that omit the word "strangled" are those that
attest the so-called "Western Text" of The Acts. This Western
Text differs rather strikingly from the more familiar text in many
places. The question as to how far the Western Text of The Acts
is correct is a hotly debated question. On the whole, however,
the Western readings are usually at any rate to be discredited.
In the second place, the difficulty about the decree may be over-
come by regarding Gal. 2 : 1-10 as parallel not with Acts 15 : 1-29
but with Acts 11 :30; 12 : 25. This solution has already been
discussed.
In the third place, the difficulty may be overcome by that in-
terpretation of the decree which is proposed in the Student's
Text Book. The decree was not an addition to Paul's gospel. It
was not imposed upon the Gentile Christians as though a part of
the law were necessary to salvation. On the contrary it was simply
an attempt to solve the practical problems of certain mixed churches
— not the Pauline churches in general, but churches which stood
in an especially close relation to Jerusalem. This intrepretation
of the decree is favored by the difficult verse, Acts 15 : 21. What
James there means is probably that the Gentile Christians should
avoid those things which would give the most serious offense to
hearers of the law.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 125-166. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistle to the Galatians," pp.
123-128 ("The later visit of St. Paul to Jerusalem"), 292-374 ("St. Paul
and the Three"). Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
Citizen," pp. 48-60, 152-175. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St.
Paul," ch. ix. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life and Epistles of St.
Paul," ch. vii. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp. 108-118. Lumby,
pp. 185-200. Cook, pp. 451-458. Plumptre, pp. 93-101. Rackham,
pp. 238-259, 263-270.
LESSON XVI
THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE
From the rich store of to-day's lesson only a few points can be
selected for special comment.
1. TITUS AND TIMOTHY
At Lystra, Paul had Timothy circumcised. Acts 16 : 3. This
action has been considered strange in view of the attitude which
Paul had previously assumed. At Jerusalem, only a short time
before, he had absolutely refused to permit the circumcision of
Titus. Evidently, too, he had regarded the matter as of fundamental
importance. Had Titus been circumcised, the freedom of the Gen-
tile Christians would have been seriously endangered.
The presence of Titus at the Apostolic Council is mentioned only
by Paul in Galatians. It is not mentioned in The Acts. Indeed,
Titus does not appear in The Acts at all, though in the epistles
he is rather prominent. This fact, however, really requires no
further explanation than that the history of Luke is not intended
to be exhaustive. The restraint exercised by the author of The
Acts has already been observed, for example, in a comparison of the
long list of hardships in II Cor. 11 : 23-27 with what Luke actually
narrates. The helpers of Paul whom Luke mentions are usually
those who traveled with him. Titus was sent by Paul on at
least one important mission, II Cor. 7 : 13, 14, but was apparently
not his companion on the missionary journeys. Luke does not
concern himself very much with the internal affairs of the churches,
and it is in this field that Titus is especially prominent in the
epistles. With regard to the presence of Titus in Jerusalem, the
different purposes of the narratives in Galatians and in The Acts
must be borne in mind. The non-circumcision of Titus, so strongly
emphasized by Paul, was merely preliminary to the public action
of the church in which Luke was interested. Luke has thought
it sufficient to include Titus under the "certain other" of the
Antioch Christians who went up with Paul and Barnabas to Je-
rusalem.
The different policy which Paul adopted in the case of Timothy,
86
THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE 87
as compared with his policy about Titus, is amply explained by
the wide differences in the situation.
In the first place, when Titus was at Jerusalem, the matter of
Gentile freedom was in dispute, whereas when Timothy was
circumcised the question had already been settled by a formal
pronouncement of the Jerusalem church. After Paul had won the
victory of principle, he could afford to make concessions where no
principle was involved. Timothy was recognized as a full member
of the Church even before his circumcision. Circumcision was
merely intended to make him a more efficient helper in work among
the Jews.
In the second place — and this is even more important — Timothy
was a half -Jew. It is perhaps doubtful whether Paul under any
circumstances would have authorized the circumcision of a pure
Gentile like Titus. But Timothy's mother was Jewish. It must
always be borne in mind that Paul did not demand the relinquish-
ment of the law on the part of Jews; and Timothy's parentage gave
him at least the right of regarding himself as a Jew. If he had
chosen to follow his Gentile father, the Jews could have regarded
him as a renegade. His usefulness in the synagogues would have
been lost. Obviously the circumcision of such a man involved
nothing more than the maintenance of ancestral custom on the
part of Jews. Where no principle was involved, Paul was the most
concessive of men. See especially I Cor. 9 : 19-23. The final
relinquishment of the law on the part of Jews was rightly left to
the future guidance of God.
2. THE ROUTE THROUGH ASIA MINOR
The difficulty of tracing the route of the missionaries beyond
Lystra is due largely to the difficulty of Acts 16 : 6. A literal
translation of the decisive words in that verse would be either "the
Phrygian and Galatian country" or "Phrygia and the Galatian
country." According to the advocates of the "South Galatian
theory," "the Galatian country" here refers not to Galatia proper
but to the southern part of the Roman province Galatia. "The
Phrygian and Galatian country" then perhaps means "The Phrygo-
Galatic country," or "that part of Phrygia which is in the Roman
province Galatia." The reference then is to Iconium, Pisidian
Antioch and the surrounding country — after the missionaries had
passed through the Lycaonian part of the province Galatia (Derbe
and Lystra) they traversed the Phrygian part of the province. The
88 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
chief objection to all such interpretations is found in the latter part
of the verse: "having been forbidden of the Holy Spirit to speak
the word in Asia." It looks as though the reason why they passed
through "the Phrygian and Galatian country" was that they
were forbidden to preach in Asia. But South Galatia was directly
on the way to Asia. The impossibility of preaching in Asia could
therefore hardly have been the reason for passing through south
Galatia.
Apparently, therefore, the disputed phrase refers rather to some
region which is not on the way to Asia. This requirement is
satisfied if Galatia proper is meant — the country in the northern
part of the Roman province Galatia. When they got to Pisidian
Antioch, it would have been natural for them to proceed into the
western part of Asia Minor, into "Asia." That they were forbidden
to do. Hence they turned north, and went through Phrygia into
Galatia proper. When they got to the border country between
Mysia and Galatia proper, they tried to continue their journey
north into Bithynia, but were prevented by the Spirit. Then
they turned west, and passing through Mysia without preaching
arrived at last at the coast, at Troas.
Nothing is said here about preaching in Galatia proper. But in
Acts 18 : 23, in connection with the third missionary journey, it is
said that when Paul passed through "the Galatian country and
Phrygia" he established the disciples. There could not have been
disciples in the "Galatian country," unless there had been preaching
there on the previous journey. On the "North Galatian" theory,
therefore, the founding of the Galatian churches to which the
epistle is directed is to be placed at Acts 16 : 6, and the second
visit to them, which seems to be presupposed by the epistle, is
to be put at Acts 18 : 23. If it seems strange that Luke does not
mention the founding of these churches, the hurried character of
this section of the narrative must be borne in mind. Furthermore,
the epistle seems to imply that the founding of the churches was
rather incidental than an original purpose of the journey; for in
Gal. 4 : 13 Paul says that it was because of an infirmity of the flesh
that he preached the gospel in Galatia the former time. Apparently
he had been hurrying through the country without stopping, but
being detained by illness used his enforced leisure to preach to the
inhabitants. It is not impossible to understand how Luke came to
omit mention of such incidental preaching. On the second mis-
sionary journey attention is concentrated on Macedonia and Greece.
THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE 89
3. THE MOVEMENTS OF SILAS AND TIMOTHY
When Paul went to Athens, Silas and Timothy remained behind
in Macedonia. Acts 17 : 14. They were directed to join Paul
again as soon as possible. V. 15. In Acts 18 : 1, 5 they are said
to have joined him at Corinth. The narrative in The Acts must
here be supplemented by the First Epistle to the Thessalonians.
What Luke says is perfectly true, but his narrative is not complete.
According to the most natural interpretation of I Thess. 3 : 1-5,
Timothy was with Paul in Athens, and from there was sent to
Thessalonica. The entire course of events was perhaps as follows :
Silas and Timothy both joined Paul quickly at Athens according
to directions. They were then sent away again — Timothy to
Thessalonica, and Silas to some other place in Macedonia. Then,
after the execution of their commissions, they finally joined Paul
again at Corinth. Acts 18 : 5; I Thess. 3 : 6. Soon afterwards,
all three missionaries were associated in the address of First Thessa-
lonians.
4. PAUL AT ATHENS
In Athens Paul preached as usual in the synagogue to Jews and
"God-fearers"; but he also adopted another and more unusual
method — he simply took his stand without introduction in the
market place, and spoke to those who chanced by. This method
was characteristically Greek ; it reminds us of the days of Socrates.
In the market place, Paul encountered certain of the Epicurean
and Stoic philosophers. Both of these schools of philosophy had
originated almost three hundred years before Christ, and both
were prominent in the New Testament period. In their tenets they
were very different. The Stoics were pantheists. They conceived
of the world as a sort of great living being of which God is the soul.
The world does not exist apart from God and God does not exist
apart from the world. Such pantheism is far removed from the
Christian belief in the living God, Maker of heaven and earth;
but as against polytheism, pantheism and theism have something
in common. Paul in his speech was able to start from this common
ground. In ethics, the Stoics were perhaps nearer to Christianity
than in metaphysics. The highest good they conceived to be a
life that is led in accordance with reason — that reason which is
the determining principle of the world. The passions must be
conquered, pleasure is worthless, the wise man is independent of
external conditions. Such an ethic worked itself out in practice
in many admirable virtues — in some conception of the universal
90 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
brotherhood of mankind, in charity, in heroic self-denial. But
it lacked the warmth and glow of Christian love, and it lacked the
living God.
The Epicureans were materialists. The world, for them, was
a vast mechanism. They believed in the gods, but conceived of
them as altogether without influence upon human affairs. Indeed,
the deliverance of man from the fear of the gods was one of the
purposes of the Epicurean philosophy. The Epicureans were
interested chiefly in ethics. Pleasure, according to them, is the
highest good. It need not be the pleasure of the senses; indeed
Epicurus, at least, the founder of the school, insisted upon a calm
life undisturbed by violent passions. Nevertheless it will readily
be seen how little such a philosophy had in common with Chris-
tianity.
The conditions under which Paul made his speech cannot be
determined with certainty. The difficulty arises from the ambiguity
of "Areopagus." "Areopagus" means "Mars' hill." But the
term was also applied to the court which held at least some of its
meetings on the hill. Which meaning is intended here? Did
Paul speak before the court, or did he speak on Mars' hill merely
to those who were interested? On the whole, it is improbable at
any rate that he was subjected to a formal trial.
The speech of Paul at Athens is one of the three important
speeches of Paul, exclusive of his speeches in defense of himself at
Jerusalem and at Csesarea, which have been recorded in The Acts.
These speeches are well chosen. One of them is a speech to Jews,
Acts 13 : 16-41; one a speech to Gentiles, Acts 17 : 22-31; and the
third a speech to Christians, Acts 20 : 18-35. Together they
afford a very good idea of Paul's method as a missionary and as a
pastor. As is to be expected, they differ strikingly from one
another. Paul was large enough to comprehend the wonderful
richness of Christian truth. His gospel was always the same, but
he was able to adapt the presentation of it to the character of his
hearers.
At Athens, an altar inscribed To An Unknown God provided a
starting point. The existence of such an altar is not at all sur-
prising, although only altars to "unknown gods" (plural instead
of singular) are attested elsewhere. Perhaps the inscription on
this altar indicated simply that the builder of the altar did not
know to which of the numberless gods he should offer thanks for
a benefit that he had received, or to which he should address a
THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE 9 1
prayer to ward off calamity. Under a polytheistic religion, where
every department of life had its own god, it was sometimes difficult
to pick out the right god to pray to for any particular purpose.
Such an altar was at any rate an expression of ignorance, and that
ignorance served as a starting point for Paul. "You are afraid
that you have neglected the proper god in this case," says Paul
in effect. "Yes, indeed, you have. You have neglected a very
important god indeed, you have neglected the one true God, who
made the world and all things therein."
In what follows, Paul appeals to the truth contained in Stoic
pantheism. His words are of peculiar interest at the present day,
when pantheism is rampant even within the Church. There is a
great truth in pantheism. It emphasizes the immanence of God.
But the truth of pantheism is contained also in theism. The theist,
as well as the pantheist, believes that God is not far from every one
of us, and that in him we live and move and have our being. The
theist, as well as the pantheist, can say, "Closer is he than breathing,
and nearer than hands and feet." The theist accepts all the truth
of pantheism, but avoids the error. God is present in the world
— not one sparrow "shall fall on the ground without your Father"
— but he is not limited to the world. He is not just another
name for the totality of things, but an awful, mysterious, holy,
free and sovereign Person. He is present in the world, but also
Master of the world.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 177-197. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Troas,"
"Philippi," "Thessalonica," "Athens," "Areopagus," "Stoics," "Epicu-
reans," "Corinth," "Gallio," "Silas." Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller
and the Roman Citizen," pp. 175-261; "Pictures of the Apostolic
Church," pp. 197-239. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,"
chs. x, xi, and xii. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life and Epistles of
St. Paul," chs. viii, ix, x, xi, and xii. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul,"
pp. 71-81. Lumby, pp. 200-239. Cook, pp. 458-476. Plumptre,
pp. 101-124. Rackham, pp. 260-263, 271-331. For information about
the recently discovered Gallio inscription, see "The Princeton Theo-
logical Review," vol. ix, 191 1, pp. 290-298: Armstrong, "Epigraphical
Note."
LESSON XVII
ENCOURAGEMENT FOR RECENT CONVERTS
The Pauline Epistles fall naturally into four groups: (1) the
epistles of the second missionary journey (First and Second Thessa-
lonians) ; (2) the epistles of the third missionary journey (Galatians,
First and Second Corinthians and Romans) ; (3) the epistles of the
first imprisonment (Colossians and Philemon, Ephesians and
Philippians) ; (4) the epistles written after the period covered by
The Acts (First Timothy, Titus and Second Timothy).
Each of these groups has its own characteristics. The first group
is characterized by simplicity of subject matter, and by a special
interest in the second coming of Christ. The second group is
concerned especially with the doctrines of sin and grace. The
third group displays a special interest in the person of Christ and
in the Church. The fourth group deals with organization, and with
the maintenance of sound instruction.
1. SIMPLICITY OF THE THESSALONIAN EPISTLES
The reason for the peculiarities of First and Second Thessalonians
has often been sought in the early date of these epistles. On the
second missionary journey, it is said, Paul had not yet developed
the great doctrines which appear at later periods of his life. This
explanation may perhaps contain an element of truth. Undoubtedly
there was some progress in Paul's thinking. Not everything was
revealed to him at once. The chief cause, however, for the sim-
plicity of the Thessalonian epistles is not the early date but the
peculiar occasion of these epistles. Paul is here imparting his first
written instruction to an infant church. Naturally he must feed
these recent converts with milk. The simplicity of the letters
is due not to immaturity in Paul but to immaturity in the Thessa-
lonian church. After all, at the time when the Thessalonian
epistles were written, the major part of Paul's Christian life
— including the decisive conflict with the Judaizers at Antioch and
Jerusalem — lay already in the past.
At any rate the simplicity of the Thessalonian epistles must
not be exaggerated. In these letters the great Pauline doctrines,
92
ENCOURAGEMENT FOR RECENT CONVERTS 93
though not discussed at length, are everywhere presupposed.
There is the same lofty conception of Christ as in the other
epistles, the same emphasis upon his resurrection, the same
doctrine of salvation through his death. I Thess. 1 : 10; 5:9, 10.
2. THE SECOND COMING OF CHRIST
Undoubtedly the second advent, with the events which are im-
mediately to precede it, occupies a central position in the Thessa-
lonian epistles. A few words of explanation, therefore, may here
be in order.
Evidently the expectation of Christ's coming was a fundamental
part of Paul's belief, and had a fundamental place in his preaching.
"Ye turned unto God from idols, to serve a living and true God,
and to wait for his Son from heaven" — these words show clearly
how the hope of Christ's appearing was instilled in the converts
from the very beginning. I Thess. 1 : 9, 10. To serve the living
God and to wait for his Son — that is the sum and substance of the
Christian life. All through the epistles the thought of the Parousia
— the "presence" or "coming" — of Christ appears as a master
motive. I Thess. 2 : 19; 3 : 13; 4 : 13 to 5 : 11, 23, 24; II Thess.
I : 5 to 2 : 12.
This emphasis upon the second coming of Christ is explained if
Paul expected Christ to come in the near future. The imminence
of the Parousia for Paul appears to be indicated by I Thess. 4 : 15:
"For this we say unto you by the word of the Lord, that we that
are alive, that are left unto the coming of the Lord, shall in no wise
precede them that are fallen asleep." This verse is often thought
to indicate that Paul confidently expected before his death to
witness the coming of the Lord. Apparently he classes himself
with those who "are left unto the coming of the Lord" as over
against those who will suffer death. In the later epistles, it is
further said, Paul held a very different view. From Second
Corinthians on, he faced ever more definitely the thought of death.
II Cor. 5 : 1, 8; Phil. 1 : 20-26. A comparison of I Cor. 15 : 51
with II Cor. 5:1, 8 is thought to indicate that the deadly peril
which Paul incurred between the writing of the two Corinthian
epistles, II Cor. 1 : 8, 9, had weakened his expectation of living
until Christ should come. After he had once despaired of life,
he could hardly expect with such perfect confidence to escape the
experience of death. The possibility of death was too strong to be
left completely out of sight.
94 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
Plausible as such a view is, it can be held only with certain
reservations.
In the first place, we must not exaggerate the nearness of the
Parousia according to Paul, even in the earliest period; for in II
Thess. 2 : 1-12 the Thessalonians are reminded of certain events
that must occur before Christ would come. The expression of the
former epistle, I Thess. 5 : 2, that the day of the Lord would come
as a thief in the night, was to be taken as a warning to unbelievers
to repent while there was yet time, not as a ground for neglecting
ordinary provision for the future. In Second Thessalonians Paul
finds it necessary to calm the overstrained expectations of the
Thessalonian Christians.
Furthermore, it is not only in the earlier epistles that expressions
occur which seem to suggest that the Parousia is near. Rom. 13 :
11; Phil. 4 : 5. And then it is evident from II Cor. 11 : 23-29 and
from I Cor. 15 : 30-32 that Paul had undergone dangers before
the one mentioned in II Cor. 1 : 8, 9, so that there is no reason
to suppose that that one event caused any sudden change in his
expectations.
Lastly, in I Cor. 6 : 14 Paul says that "God both raised the Lord,
and will raise up us through his power." If that refers to the
literal resurrection, then here Paul classes himself among those who
are to die; for if he lived to the Parousia, then there would be no
need for him to be raised up.
It is therefore very doubtful whether we can put any very definite
change in the apostle's expectations as to his living or dying between
First Corinthians and Second Corinthians. A gradual develop-
ment in his feeling about the matter there no doubt was. During
the early part of his life his mind dwelt less upon the prospect of
death than it did after perils of all kinds had made that prospect
more and more imminent. But at no time did the apostle regard
the privilege of living until the Parousia as a certainty to be
put at all in the same category with the Christian hope itself.
Especially the passage in First Thessalonians can be rightly inter-
preted only in the light of the historical occasion for it. Until
certain members of the church had died, the Thessalonian Christians
had never faced the possibility of dying before the second coming
of Christ. Hence they were troubled. Would the brethren who
had fallen asleep miss the benefits of Christ's kingdom? Paul
writes to reassure them. He does not contradict their hope of
living till the coming of Christ, for God had not revealed to him that
ENCOURAGEMENT FOR RECENT CONVERTS 95
that hope would not be realized. But he tells them that, supposing
that hope to be justified, even then they will have no advantage
over their dead brethren. He classes himself with those who were
still alive and might therefore live till Christ should come, as over
against those who were already dead and could not therefore live
till Christ should come.
Certain passages in the epistles of Paul, which are not confined
to any one period of his life, seem to show that at any rate he did
not exclude the very real possibility that Christ might come in
the near future. At any rate, however, such an expectation of the
early coming of Christ was just as far removed as possible from
the expectations of fanatical chiliasts. It did not lead Paul to
forget that the times and the seasons are entirely in the hand of
God. It had no appreciable effect upon his ethics, except to make
it more intense, more fully governed by the thought of the judgment
seat of Christ. It did not prevent him from laying far-reaching
plans, it did not prevent his developing a great philosophy of
future history in Rom., chs. 9 to 11. How far he was from falling
into the error he combated in Second Thessalonians! Despite his
view of the temporary character of the things that are seen, how
sane and healthy was his way of dealing with practical problems!
He did his duty, and left the details of the future to God. Hence
it is hard to discover what Paul thought as to how soon Christ
would come — naturally so, for Paul did not try to discover it himself.
3. THE PERSONS ASSOCIATED IN THE ADDRESS
Almost always other persons are associated with Paul in the
addresses of the epistles. With regard to the meaning of this custom,
extreme views should be avoided. On the one hand, these persons —
usually, at any rate — had no share in the actual composition of the
epistles. The epistles bear the imprint of one striking personality.
On the other hand, association in the address means something
more than that the persons so named sent greetings; for mere
greetings are placed at the end. The truth lies between the two
extremes. Probably the persons associated with Paul in the address
were made acquainted at least in general with the contents of the
epistles, and desired to express their agreement with what was said.
In the Thessalonian epistles Silas and Timothy, who had had a
part in the founding of the Thessalonian church, appear very
appropriately in the address.
A question related to that of the persons associated in the
96 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
addresses is the question of the so-called "epistolary plural."
The epistolary plural was analogous to our "editorial we" it was
a usage by which the writer of a letter could substitute "we" for
"I" in referring to himself alone. In many passages in the letters
of Paul it is exceedingly difficult to tell whether a plural is merely
epistolary, or whether it has some special significance. For
example, whom, if anyone, is Paul including with himself in the
"we" of I Thess. 3:1? In particular, the question often is
whether, when Paul says "we," he is thinking of the persons who
were associated with him in the address of the epistle. On the
whole it seems impossible to deny that Paul sometimes uses the
epistolary plural, though his use of it is probably not so extensive
as has often been supposed.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 197-203. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (supplemented),
article on "Thessalonians, Epistles to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of
the Bible": Lock, articles on "Thessalonians, First Epistle to the" and
"Thessalonians, Second Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New
Testament and Its Writers," pp. 47-57. Ramsay, "Pictures of the
Apostolic Church," pp. 240-246. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul,"
pp. 85-107. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English
Readers," vol. iii, pp. 125-170: Mason, "The Epistles of Paul the
Apostle to the Thessalonians." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and
Colleges": Findlay, "The Epistles to the Thessalonians." Zahn, "In-
troduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 152-164, 203-255.
Milligan, "St. Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians." The two last-
named works are intended primarily for those who have some knowl-
edge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
LESSON XVIII
THE CONFLICT WITH THE JUDAIZERS
1. APOLLOS
Before the arrival of Paul at Ephesus an important event had
taken place in that city — the meeting of Aquila and Priscilla with
Apollos. Apollos was a Jew of Alexandrian descent. He had already-
received instruction about Jesus — perhaps in his native city. Of all
the great cities of the Roman Empire Alexandria alone was approxi-
mately as near to Jerusalem as was Syrian Antioch. The founding
of the church at Alexandria is obscure, but undoubtedly it took
place at a very early time. At a later period Alexandria was of the
utmost importance as the center of Christian learning, as it had
been already the center of the learning of the pagan world. Until
instructed by Aquila and Priscilla, Apollos had known only the
baptism of John the Baptist. Apparently one important thing that
he had lacked was an acquaintance with the peculiar Christian
manifestation of the Holy Spirit. He seems to have been trained
in Greek rhetoric, whether the word translated "eloquent" in Acts
18 : 24 means "eloquent" or "learned." Apollos did not remain
long in Ephesus, but went to Corinth, where, as can be learned
from First Corinthians as well as from The Acts, his work was of
great importance.
2. GALATIANS A POLEMIC
After studying first the Thessalonian epistles and then Galatians
in succession the student should be able to form some conception
of the variety among the epistles of Paul. Certainly there could
be no sharper contrast. First and Second Thessalonians are simple,
affectionate letters written to a youthful church ; Galatians is one of
the most passionate bits of polemic in the whole Bible. We ought
to honor Paul for his anger. A lesser man might have taken a calmer
view of the situation. After all, it might have been said, the
observance of Jewish fasts and feasts was not a serious matter;
even circumcision, though useless, could do no great harm. But
Paul penetrated below the surface. He detected the great principles
that were at stake. The Judaizers were disannulling the grace of God.
Sen. T. III. 2. gy
98 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
3. THE ADDRESS. GAL. 1 : 1-5
The addresses of the Pauline epistles are never merely formal.
Paul does not wait for the beginning of the letter proper in order
to say what he has in mind. Even the epistolary forms are suffused
with the deepest religious feeling.
The opening of the present letter is anticipatory of what is to
follow. Dividing the opening into three parts — the nominative
(name and title of the writer), the dative (name of those to whom
the letter is addressed), and the greeting — it will be observed that
every one of these parts has its peculiarity as compared with the
other Pauline epistles.
The peculiarity of the nominative is the remarkable addition
beginning with "not from men," which is a summary of the first
great division of the epistle, Paul's defense against the personal attack
of his opponents. Since the Epistle to the Galatians is polemic from
beginning to end, it is not surprising that the very first word after
the bare name and title of the author is "not." Paul cannot mention
his title "apostle" — in the addresses of First and Second Thessa-
lonians he had not thought it necessary to mention it at all —
without thinking of the way in which in Galatia it was misrepre-
sented. "My apostleship," he says, "came not only from Christ,
but directly from Christ."
The peculiarity of the dative is its brevity — not "beloved of God,
called to be saints," or the like, but just the bare and formal "to
the churches of Galatia." The situation was not one which called
for pleasant words!
The greeting is the least varied part in the addresses of the
Pauline epistles. The long addition to the greeting in Galatians
is absolutely unique. It is a summary of the second and central
main division of the epistle, Paul's defense of his gospel. "Christ
has died to free you. The Judaizers in bringing you into bondage
are making of none effect the grace of Christ, manifested on the
cross." That is the very core of the letter. In all of the Pauline
epistles there is scarcely a passage more characteristic of the man
than the first five verses of Galatians. An ordinary writer would
have been merely formal in the address. Not so Paul!
The exultant supernaturalism of the address should be noticed.
This supernaturalism appears, in the first place, in the sphere of
external history — "God the Father, who raised him from the dead."
Pauline Christianity is based upon the miracle of the resurrection.
Supernaturalism appears also, however, in the sphere of Christian
THE CONFLICT WITH THE JUDAIZERS 99
experience— "who gave himself for our sins, that he might deliver
us out of this present evil world." Christianity is no mere easy
development of the old life, no mere improvement of the life, but
a new life in a new world. In both spheres, supernaturalism is
being denied in the modern Church. Pauline Christianity is very
different from much that is called Christianity to-day.
Finally, this passage will serve to exhibit Paul's lofty view of the
person of Christ. "Neither through man," says Paul, "but through
Jesus Christ." Jesus Christ is here distinguished sharply from
men and placed clearly on the side of God. What is more, even
the Judaizers evidently accepted fundamentally the same view.
Paul said, "Not by man, but by Jesus Christ"; the Judaizers said,
"Not by Jesus Christ, but by man." But if so, then the Judaizers,
no less than Paul, distinguished Jesus sharply from ordinary
humanity. About other things there was debate, but about the
person of Christ Paul appears in harmony even with his opponents.
Evidently the original apostles had given the Judaizers on this point
no slightest excuse for differing from Paul. The heavenly Christ of
Paul was also the Christ of those who had walked and talked with
Jesus of Nazareth. They had seen Jesus subject to all the petty
limitations of human life. Yet they thought him divine! Could
they have been deceived?
4. THE PURPOSE OF THE EPISTLE. GAL. 1 : 6-10
The thanksgiving for the Christian state of the readers, which
appears in practically every other of the Pauline epistles, is here
conspicuous by its absence. Here it would have been a mockery.
The Galatians were on the point of giving up the gospel. There
was just a chance of saving them. The letter was written in a
desperate crisis. Pray God it might not be too late! No time here
for words of thanks!
In vs. 6-10, Paul simply states the purpose of the letter in a few
uncompromising words: "You are falling away from the gospel
and I am writing to stop you."
5. PAUL'S DEFENSE OF HIS APOSTOLIC AUTHORITY. GAL.
1 : 11 to 2 : 21
After stating, Gal. 1 : 11, 12, the thesis that is to be proved in
this section, Paul defends his independent apostolic authority by
three main arguments.
In the first place, vs. 13-24, he was already launched upon his
100 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
work as apostle to the Gentiles before he had even come into any
effective contact with the original apostles. Before his conversion,
he had been an active persecutor. His conversion was wrought,
not, like an ordinary conversion, through human agency, but by
an immediate act of Christ. After his conversion it was three
years before he saw any of the apostles. Then he saw only Peter
(and James) and that not long enough to become, as his opponents
said, a disciple of these leaders.
In the second place, Gal. 2 : 1-10, when he finally did hold a
conference with the original apostles, they themselves, the very
authorities to whom the Judaizers appealed, recognized that his
authority was quite independent of theirs, and, like theirs, of
directly divine origin.
In the third place, Gal. 2 : 11-21, so independent was his
authority that on one occasion he could even rebuke the chief of
the original apostles himself. What Paul said at that time to
Peter happened to be exactly what he wanted to say, in the epistle,
to the Galatians. This section, therefore, forms a transition to
the second main division of the epistle. It has sometimes been
thought surprising that Paul does not say how Peter took his
rebuke. The conclusion has even been drawn that if Peter had
acknowledged his error Paul would have been sure to say so.
Such reasoning ignores the character of this section. In reporting
the substance of what he said to Peter, Paul has laid bare the very
depths of his own life. To return, after such a passage, to the
incident at Antioch would have been pedantic and unnecessary.
Long before the end of the second chapter Paul has forgotten all
about Peter, all about Antioch, and all about the whole of his past
history. He is thinking only of the grace of Christ, and how
some men are trampling it under foot. 0 foolish Galatians, to
desert so great a salvation!
6. PAUL'S DEFENSE OF HIS GOSPEL. GAL. 3:1 to 5 : 12
Salvation cannot be earned by human effort, but must be re-
ceived simply as a free gift. Christ has died to save us from the
curse of the law: to submit again to the yoke of bondage is
disloyalty to him — that is the great thesis that Paul sets out to
prove.
He proves it first by an argument from experience. Gal. 3 : 1-5.
You received the Holy Spirit, in palpable manifestation, before you
ever saw the Judaizers, before you ever thought of keeping the
THE CONFLICT WITH THE JUDAIZERS IOI
Mosaic law. You received the Spirit by faith alone. How then
can you now think that the law is necessary? Surely there can be
nothing higher than the Spirit.
In the second place, there is an argument from Scripture. Not
those who depend upon the works of the law, but those who believe,
have the benefit of the covenant made with Abraham. Vs.6-22.
In the third place, by the use of various figures, Paul contrasts
the former bondage with the present freedom. Gal. 3 : 23 to 4 : 7.
The life under the law was a period of restraint like that of child-
hood, preliminary to faith in Christ. The law was intended to
produce the consciousness of sin, in order that the resultant hope-
lessness might lead men to accept the Saviour. Vs. 23-25. But
now all Christians alike, both Jews and Gentiles, are sons of God
in Christ, and therefore heirs of the promise made to Abraham.
Vs. 26-29. Being sons of God, with all the glorious freedom of
sonship, with the Spirit crying, "Abba, Father," in the heart, how
can we think of returning to the miserable bondage of an external
and legalistic religion? Gal. 4 : 1-11.
In the fourth place, Paul turns away from argument to make a
personal appeal. Vs. 12-20. What has become of your devotion
to me? Surely I have not become your enemy just because I tell
you the truth. The Judaizers are estranging you from me. Listen
to me, my spiritual children, even though I can speak to you only
through the cold medium of a letter!
In the fifth place, Paul, in his perplexity, bethinks himself of one
more argument. It is an argument that would appeal especially
to those who were impressed by the Judaizers' method of using the
Old Testament, but it also has permanent validity. The funda-
mental principle, says Paul, for which I am arguing, the principle
of grace, can be illustrated from the story of Ishmael and Isaac.
Ishmael had every prospect of being the heir of Abraham. It
seemed impossible for the aged Abraham to have another son.
Nature was on Ishmael's side. But nature was overruled. So it
is to-day. As far as nature is concerned, the Jews are the heirs
of Abraham — they have all the outward marks of sonship. But
God has willed otherwise. He has chosen to give the inheritance
to the heirs according to promise. The principle of the divine
choice, operative on a small scale in the acceptance of Isaac, is
operative now on a large scale in the acceptance of the Gentile church.
Finally, Paul concludes the central section of the epistle by
emphasizing the gravity of the crisis. Gal. 5 : 1-12. Do not be
102 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
deceived. Circumcision as the Judaizers advocate it is no innocent
thing; it means the acceptance of a law religion. You must choose
either the law or grace; you cannot have both.
7. THE RESULTS OF PAUL'S GOSPEL. GAL. 5 : 13 to 6 : 10
In this third main division of the epistle Paul exhibits the practical
working of faith. Paul's gospel is more powerful than the teaching of
the Judaizers. Try to keep the law in your own strength and you
will fail, for the flesh is too strong. But the Spirit is stronger than
the flesh, and the Spirit is received by faith.
8. CONCLUSION. GAL. 6 : 11-18
This concluding section, if not the whole epistle, was written
with Paul's own hand. V. 11. In his other letters Paul dictated
everything but a brief closing salutation.
In the closing section, Paul lays the alternative once more before
his readers. The Judaizers have worldly aims, they boast of
worldly advantages; but the true Christian boasts of nothing but
the cross. Christianity, as here portrayed, is not the gentle, easy-
going doctrine that is being mistaken for it to-day. It is no light
thing to say, "The world hath been crucified unto me, and I unto
the world." But the result is a new creature!
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 203-213. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Ephesus";
Purves, articles on "Galatia" and "Galatians, Epistle to the" (supple-
mented). Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Ramsay, article on
"Ephesus"; Dods, article on "Galatians, Epistle to the." Ramsay,
"St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 262-282; "Pictures
of the Apostolic Church," pp. 247-269, 293-300. Lewin, "The Life
and Epistles of St. Paul, chs. xii, xiii. Conybeare and Howson, "The
Life and Epistles of St. Paul, chs. xii. xiii, xiv, xv and xvi. Stalker,
"The Life of St. Paul," pp. 82-84, 108-118. Lumby, pp. 239-266.
Cook, pp. 476-485. Plumptre, pp. 124-136. Rackham, pp. 33i-37<>-
M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 70-76.
Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol.
ii, pp. 419-468: Sanday, "The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the
Galatians." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges":
Perowne, "The Epistle to the Galatians." Zahn, "Introduction to
the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 164-202. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's
Epistle to the Galatians." The two last-named works are intended
primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also
be used by others.
LESSON XIX
PROBLEMS OF A GENTILE CHURCH
Christianity, according to Paul, is an escape from the world.
Gal. 1 : 4. All human distinctions are comparatively unimportant.
"There can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither bond
nor free, there can be no male and female." Gal. 3 : 28. Such a
doctrine might seem logically to lead to fanaticism. If the Christian
is already a citizen of heaven, may he not be indifferent to the con-
ditions of life upon this earth? Such a conclusion was altogether
avoided by Paul. In First Corinthians Paul is revealed as the most
practical of men. All human distinctions are subordinate and
secondary — and yet these distinctions are carefully observed.
Paul was a man of heroic faith, but he was also possessed of
admirable tact.
It is not that the one side of Paul's nature limited the other; it
is not that common sense acted as a check to transcendental
religion. On the contrary, the two things seemed to be in perfect
harmony. Just because Paul was inwardly so entirely free from
the world, he was also so wise in dealing with worldly affairs. The
secret of this harmony was consecration. Human relationships,
when consecrated to God, are not destroyed, but ennobled. They
cease, indeed, to be an end in themselves, but they become a means
to Christian service. The Christian man has no right to be in-
different to the world. If he is, he is no true son of the God who
made the world, and sent the Lord to save it. The Christian, like
the man of the world, is profoundly interested in the conditions of
life on this earth. Only, unlike the man of the world, he is not
helpless and perplexed in the presence of those conditions; but from
his vantage ground of heavenly power, he shapes them to the divine
will. He is interested in the world, but he is interested in it, not
as its servant, but as its master.
So in First Corinthians Paul lays hold of certain perplexing
practical problems with the sure grasp of one who is called to rule
and not to serve. Everything that he touches he lifts to a higher
plane. In his hands even the simplest things of life receive a
heavenly significance.
103
104 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
The problems that are discussed in First Corinthians stood in a
special relation to the environment of the Corinthian church. Most
of them were due to the threatened intrusions of Greek paganism.
They are closely analogous, however, to the problems which we have
to solve to-day. Paganism and worldliness are not dead. The
Church still stands in the midst of a hostile environment. We can
still use the teaching of Paul. That teaching will now be examined
in a few of its important details.
1. THE PARTIES
Paul mentions four parties that had been formed in the Corinthian
church — a Paul-party, an Apollos-party, a Cephas-party and a
Christ-party. These parties do not seem to have been separated
from one another by any serious doctrinal differences, and it is
impossible to determine their characteristics in detail. In the
section where the party spirit is discussed, Paul blames the
Corinthians for intellectual pride. This fault has often been
connected with the Apollos-party. Apollos was an Alexandrian,
and probably had an Alexandrian Greek training. He might
therefore have unconsciously evoked among some members of the
Corinthian church an excessive admiration for his more pretentious
style of preaching, which might have caused them to despise the
simpler manner of Paul. Even this much, however, is little more
than surmise. At any rate, Apollos should not be blamed for the
faults of those who misused his name. He is praised unstintedly
by Paul, who was even desirous that he should return at once to
Corinth. I Cor. 16 : 12. Paul blames the Paul-party just as
much as any of the other three.
The Peter-party was composed of admirers of Peter, who had
either come to Corinth from the scene of Peter's labors elsewhere,
or simply had known of Peter by hearsay. It is unlikely that Peter
himself had been in Corinth, for if he had Paul would probably have
let the fact appear in First or Second Corinthians. The Christ-
party is rather puzzling. A comparison with the false teachers
who are combated in Second Corinthians has led some scholars to
suppose that it was a Judaizing party, which emphasized a personal
acquaintance with the earthly Jesus as a necessary qualification
of apostleship. In that case, however, Paul would probably have
singled out the Christ-party for special attack. More probably
these were simply men who, in proud opposition to the adherents
of Paul, of Apollos and of Cephas, emphasized their own independ-
PROBLEMS OF A GENTILE CHURCH 105
ence of any leader other than Christ. Of course, the watchword,
"I am of Christ," if used in a better spirit, would have been alto-
gether praiseworthy, and indeed Paul desires all the parties to
unite in it. I Cor. 3 : 21-23.
Perhaps it is a mistake to attribute to these parties anything like
stability. On the whole, the passage gives the impression that it
is not the individual parties that Paul is condemning, but the party
spirit. That party spirit was manifested by watchwords like those
which are enumerated in I Cor. 1 : 12, but that that enumeration
was meant to be complete, does not appear. The whole effort to
determine the characteristics of the individual parties — an effort
which has absorbed the attention of many scholars — should perhaps
be abandoned.
Paul's treatment of the party spirit exhibits his greatness not
only as an administrator, but also as a writer. The subject was
certainly not inspiring; yet under Paul's touch it becomes luminous
with heavenly glory. The contrast of human wisdom with the
message of the cross, I Cor. 1 : 18-31, where a splendid rhythm of
language matches the sublimity of the thought, the wonderful
description of the freedom and power of the man who possesses the
Spirit of God, the grand climax of the third chapter, "For all things
are yours; whether Paul, or Apollos, or Cephas, or the world, or
life, or death, or things present, or things to come; all are yours;
and ye are Christ's; and Christ is God's" — these are among the
passages that can never be forgotten.
2. THINGS SACRIFICED TO IDOLS
The question of meats offered to idols, which Paul discusses in
I Cor. 8 : 1 to 11 : 1, was exceedingly intricate. To it Paul applies
several great principles. In the first place, there is the principle of
Christian freedom. The Christian has been delivered from enslav-
ing superstitions. Idols have no power; they cannot impart any
harmful character to the good things which God has provided for
the sustenance of man. In the second place, however, there is the
principle of loyalty. The fact that idols are nothing does not render
idol-worship morally indifferent. On the contrary, idolatry is
always sinful. If the eating of certain kinds of food under certain
conditions involves participation in idolatry then it is disloyalty to
the one true God. The joint operation of the two principles of
freedom and of loyalty seems to lead in Paul's mind to the following
practical conclusion: — The Christian may eat the meat that has
106 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
been offered to idols if it is simply put on sale in the market place
or set before him at an ordinary meal; but he must not take part
with the heathen in specifically religious feasts. The whole question,
however, is further viewed in the light of a third principle — the
principle of Christian love. Even things that are in themselves
innocent must be given up if a brother by them is led into conduct
which for him is sin. Christ has died for that weaker brother;
surely the Christian, then, may not destroy him. Thus love, even
more than loyalty, limits freedom — but it is a blessed limitation.
The principles here applied by Paul to the question of the Corinthian
Christians will solve many a problem of the modern Church.
3. SPIRITUAL GIFTS
The principle of Christian love, with the related principle of
toleration, is applied also to another set of problems, the problems
with regard to the exercise of spiritual gifts. The passage in which
Paul discusses these problems, aside from its spiritual and moral
teaching, is of singular historical interest. It affords a unique
picture of the devotional meetings of an apostolic church. The
characteristic of these meetings was the enthusiasm which prevailed
in them. Paul is not at all desirous of dampening that enthusiasm.
On the contrary the gifts in question were in his judgment really
bestowed by the Holy Spirit. Even the gift of tongues, which
Paul limits in its operation, is in his judgment of genuine value.
Indeed, he himself had exercised it even more than the other
Christians. I Cor. 14 ; 18. This last fact should correct any
unworthy impression which we might have formed with regard to
the gift. If speaking with tongues was practiced by Paul, then it
was no mere unhealthy emotionalism. We are to-day unable to
understand it fully, but in the apostolic Church it was a real ex-
pression of Christian experience.
Paul desires, not to dampen the enthusiasm of the Corinthian
church, but merely to eliminate certain harmful by-products of that
which was in itself altogether excellent. The first principle which
he applies is the principle of toleration. There is room in the
Church for many different kinds of workers. "There are diversities
of gifts, but the same Spirit." The principle is often neglected in
the modern Church. Toleration, indeed, is on everyone's lips;
but it is not the kind of toleration that Paul means. It is often
nothing more than indifference to the great verities of the faith.
Such toleration would have met with nothing but an anathema from
PROBLEMS OF A GENTILE CHURCH 107
Paul. The toleration that Paul is commending is a toleration, not
with regard to matters of doctrine, but with regard to methods of
work. Such toleration is often sadly lacking. Some advocates of
missions think that almost every Christian who stays at home
is a coward; some good, conservative elders, on the other hand,
have little interest in what passes the bounds of their own
congregation. Some Christians of reserved habits are shocked
at the popular methods of the evangelists; some evangelists are
loud in their ignorant denunciation of the Christian scholar. In
other words, many very devout Christians of the present day
act as though they had never read the twelfth chapter of First
Corinthians.
The principle of toleration, however, culminates in the principle
of love. If there must be a choice between the exercise of different
gifts, then the choice should be in favor of those gifts which are
most profitable to other men. Finally, even the highest spiritual
gifts are not independent of reason. I Cor. 14 : 32, 33. That is a
far-reaching principle. Some modern Christians seem to think
that an appeal to the inward voice of the Spirit excuses them from
listening to reasonable counsel. Such is not the teaching of Paul.
4. THE RESURRECTION
The error which is combated in the fifteenth chapter of the epistle
could hardly have been a denial, in general, of continued existence
after death, but was rather a denial of the resurrection of the body
as over against the Greek doctrine of the immortality of the soul.
In reply, Paul appeals to the resurrection of Jesus. The appeal
would seem to be futile unless Paul means that the resurrection of
Jesus was a bodily resurrection. If the appearances of Jesus were
no more than incorporeal manifestations of his spirit, then obviously
the believer in a mere immortality of the soul remained unrefuted.
In this chapter there is an advance over the simple teaching of
First Thessalonians. Here the character of the resurrection body
comes into view. The resurrection body will have a real connection
with the old body — otherwise there would be no resurrection — but
the weakness of the old body will be done away. There is con-
tinuity, but also transformation.
5. INCIDENTAL INFORMATION ABOUT JESUS
Certain passages in First Corinthians, which are introduced only
in an incidental way, as illustrations of the principles which are
108 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
being applied, are of inestimable historical value. These passages
include not only the great autobiographical passage in the ninth
chapter, where Paul illustrates from his own life the limitation of
the principle of freedom by the principle of love, but also two all-
important passages which refer to the life of Christ.
It is generally admitted that First Corinthians was written at
about A. D. 55. The eleventh chapter of the epistle gives an account
of the institution of the Lord's Supper, in which Jesus teaches the
sacrificial significance of his death ; and the fifteenth chapter gives
a list of the appearances of Jesus after his resurrection. The
information contained in these passages was not invented by Paul;
indeed he distinctly says that it was "received." In A. D. 55, then,
not only Paul, but also the Church generally believed that Jesus'
death, according to his own teaching, was sacrificial, and appealed
in support of his resurrection to a wealth of competent testimony.
But from whom had Paul "received" these things? Hardly from
anyone except those who had been Christians before him — in other
words, from the Palestinian church. We have here an irremovable
confirmation of the Gospel view of Jesus. First Corinthians is a
historical document of absolutely priceless value.
The incidental character of these historical passages is especially
noteworthy. It shows that Paul knew far more about Jesus than
he found occasion in the epistles to tell. If he had told more,
no doubt the Gospel picture of Jesus would have received confirma-
tion throughout.
In the Library — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 213-221. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Apollos";
Purves and Davis, article on "Corinthians, Epistles to the." Hastings,
"Dictionary of the Bible": Robertson, article on "Corinthians, First
Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers,"
pp. 58-64. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English
Readers," vol. ii, pp. 281-356: Shore, "The First Epistle of Paul the
Apostle to the Corinthians." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools":
Lias, "The First Epistle to the Corinthians." Zahn, "Introduction
to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 256-306. "The International
Critical Commentary": Robertson and Plummer, "A Critical and
Exegetical Commentary on the First Epistle of St. Paul to the Co-
rinthians." The two last-named works presuppose a knowledge of
Greek.
LESSON XX
THE APOSTLE AND HIS MINISTRY
1. ADDRESS AND THANKSGIVING. II Cor. 1 : 1-11
In First Corinthians the obscure Sosthenes is found to be associated
with Paul in the address of the epistle; in Second Corinthians it is
Timothy, one of the best-known of the helpers of Paul. Even if
that mission of Timothy to Corinth which is mentioned in First
Corinthians had resulted in failure, Timothy's usefulness in the
church was not permanently affected.
After the address, comes, as is usual in the Pauline Epistles, an
expression of thanksgiving to God. This time, however, it is not
thanksgiving for the Christian state of the readers, but thanks-
giving for Paul's own escape from danger. The absence of thanks-
giving for the readers does not mean here, as in the case of Galatians,
that there was nothing to be thankful for in the church that is being
addressed, for the whole first section of the letter is suffused with a
spirit of thankfulness for the Corinthians' return to their true
allegiance; it means rather simply that the thought of the deadly
personal danger, and of the remarkable escape, were for the moment
in the forefront of Paul's thought. Even that personal matter,
however, was used by Paul to fortify his readers against similar
trials, and especially to strengthen still further the bonds of sympathy
which had at last been restored between him and them.
What this danger was from which Paul had just escaped cannot
be determined. It is as much a puzzle as the fighting with beasts
at Ephesus, which Paul mentions in I Cor. 15 : 32. Neither one
nor the other can very well be identified with the trouble caused by
Demetrius the silversmith, Acts 19 : 23-41, for there Paul does not
seem to have been in deadly danger. Some suppose that the fighting
with beasts is literally meant ; that Paul was actually exposed to the
wild beasts in the arena and escaped only in some remarkable way.
It should be observed that Paul does not say, with regard to the
danger mentioned in Second Corinthians, that it occurred in Ephesus,
but only that it occurred in Asia. The expression, "weighed down,"
in II Cor. 1 : 8 perhaps points to some form of illness rather than to
persecution.
109
110 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
2. THE APOSTLE AND THE MINISTRY OF RECONCILIATION.
II Cor. 1 : 12 to 7 : 16
Immediately after the thanksgiving for his escape from death,
Paul begins the defense of his ministry. After the suspense of the
previous days, he feels the need of reviewing the methods and
motives of his labor among the Corinthians, in order that the
last vestige of suspicion may be removed. This he does in an unre-
strained, cordial sort of way, which reveals the deepest secrets of
his heart, and culminates here and there in grand expositions of the
very essence of the gospel.
First, in just a passing word, ch. 1: 13, 14, he defends his letters
against that charge of obscurity or concealment which is hinted at
elsewhere in the epistle. Compare ch. 4 : 1-4; 11 : 6.
Next, he defends himself against the charge of fickleness in his
journey plans. At some time, probably during or after the unsuc-
cessful visit alluded to in ch. 2:1, Paul had formed the plan of
returning to Corinth by the direct route. This plan he had not
carried out, and his abandonment of it apparently confirmed the
impression of weakness which had been left by the unsuccessful
visit. "He is very bold in letters," said his opponents, "but when
he is here he is weak, and now he is afraid to return." It was a
petty criticism, and a lesser man might have answered it in a petty
way. But Paul was able to lift the whole discussion to a loftier
plane. His answer to the criticism was very simple — the reason
why he had not returned to Corinth at once was that he did not
want to return again in grief and in severity; for the sake of the
Corinthians themselves he wanted to give them time to repent,
before the final and fatal issue should be raised. Characteristically,
however, Paul does not content himself with this simple answer;
indeed he does not even begin with it. A specific explanation of the
change in his plans would have refuted the criticism immediately
under consideration, but Paul felt the need of doing far more than
that. What he desired to do was to make not only this criticism, but
all similar criticisms, impossible. This he does by the fine reference
to the positive character of his gospel. "You say that I am un-
certain in my plans, that I say yes and no in one breath. Well,
the gospel that I preached, at any rate, was no such uncertain thing
as that. My gospel was a great 'Yes' to all the promises of God."
Such a method of refutation lifts the reader far above all petty
criticisms to the great things of Paul's gospel.
Yet this reference to great principles is no mere excuse to avoid
THE APOSTLE AND HIS MINISTRY ill
the simple question at issue. On the contrary, Paul is perfectly
frank about the reason why he had not gone to Corinth as he had
intended. It was out of love to the Corinthian church, and this
had also prompted the writing of a severe letter. Here, ch. 2 : 5-11,
Paul refers to the offender whose case had been made a test at the
time of the recent painful visit. This offender was probably different
from the incestuous person who is so sternly dealt with in I Cor.
5 : 1-5. His offense is thought by many to have been some personal
insult to Paul, II Cor. 2 : 5, but this is not quite certain. At any
rate, whatever his original offence, Paul's demand for his punish-
ment had become a test of the loyalty of the church. At first the
demand had been refused, but now the majority of the congregation
has agreed and the man himself is deeply repentant, so that Paul
is only afraid lest severity may go too far. It is hardly worth while
saying that the character of Paul was entirely free from vindictive-
ness. When the discipline of the Church would permit it, Paul was
the first to propose counsels of mercy.
The reference to the epistles of commendation which had been
used by Paul's opponents in Corinth, ch. 3:1, has been made the
basis of far-reaching conclusions about the whole history of the
apostolic age. From whom could the opponents have received
their letters of introduction? Only, it is said, from Palestine, and
probably from the original apostles. This conclusion is hasty, to
say the least. It should be noticed that not only letters to the
Corinthian church but also letters from the church are apparently
in mind. V. 1. If, then, the Corinthian church had been asked to
supply these false teachers with letters of commendation, perhaps
the other churches that had supplied them with letters were no
nearer to Jerusalem than Corinth was.
The mention of these letters of commendation introduces one of
the grandest passages in the New Testament. "I," says Paul, by
way of transition, "do not need any letters of commendation. My
work is sufficient commendation. What I have accomplished in
the hearts of men is an epistle written by the Spirit of God." Then
follows the magnificent exposition of the ministry of the new
covenant. That ministry is first contrasted with the old dispensa-
tion, perhaps with reference to an excessive valuation, by the
opponents, of a continued Judaism in the Church. The old covenant
was glorious, but how much more glorious is the new! The old
was a ministry of condemnation, but the new is a ministry of
justification. The old was a ministry of an external law, the new
112 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
is a ministry of the life-giving power of the Spirit of God. There
is no reason any longer for concealment. The Spirit brings free-
dom and openness and light.
This treasure is held indeed in earthen vessels. The recent
danger that Paul has passed through, as well as the overpowering
hardships of his life, make him painfully conscious of human weak-
ness. But that weakness is blessed which in all the fuller glory
reveals the all-conquering power of God. The Christian need
never despair, for by the eye of faith he can detect those unseen
things which are eternal. The present body may be dissolved, but
the resurrection body will be ready. Indeed, even if the Christian
by death is separated for a time altogether from the body, he need
not fear. To be absent from the body is to be present with the
Lord.
The climax of the whole glorious passage is the brief exposition
of the ministry of reconciliation which begins with ch. 5 : 11. Here
we are introduced to the secret of the remarkable life which is
revealed in Second Corinthians and in the other epistles of Paul.
Reconciliation with God through the death of Christ in our behalf
and in our stead, consequent freedom from sin and from the world,
a new and glorious life under the favor of God — these are the things
that Paul experienced in his own life, these are the things that he
preached to others, regardless of all hardship and criticism, and
these are the things, now and always, which contain the real springs
of the Church's power.
After an uncompromising warning against impurity and worldli-
ness, delivered from the lofty vantage ground that has just been
reached, the apostle gives expression once more to the joy that he
has received from the good news which Titus brought him; and then
proceeds to an entirely different matter.
3. THE COLLECTION. II Cor., chs. 8, 9
Two whole chapters of the epistle are devoted to the collection
for the Jerusalem church. The history of this matter, so far as it
can be traced, is briefly as follows: At the time of the Jerusalem
council, the pillars of the Jerusalem church had requested Paul to
remember the Jerusalem poor. At the time when First Corinthians
was written, Paul had already started a collection for this purpose
in the churches of Galatia, and in First Corinthians he asks the
Corinthians to take part. I Cor. 16 : 1-4. In Second Corinthians
he announces that the churches of Macedonia have contributed
THE APOSTLE AND HIS MINISTRY 1 13
bountifully, II Cor. 8 : 1-5, and urges the continuance of the col-
lection in Corinth. Finally, in the Epistle to the Romans, which
was written from Corinth only a short time after Second Corinthians,
he mentions the collection in Macedonia and Achaia, announces
his intention of journeying to Jerusalem with the gifts, and asks
the Roman Christians to pray that the ministration may be ac-
ceptable to the Jerusalem church. Rom. 15 : 25-27, 31, 32.
With his customary foresight, Paul made careful provision for
the administration of the gifts, in order to avoid all possible mis-
understanding or suspicion. For example, the churches are to
choose delegates to carry their bounty to Jerusalem. I Cor. 16 : 3.
Possibly the delegates are to be identified with the persons who are
named in Acts 20 : 4. Luke does not mention the collection, but
it is alluded to in Acts 24 : 17.
Paul's treatment of the collection in II Cor., chs. 8, 9, was not
only adapted to accomplish its immediate purpose, but also has
been of high value to the Christian Church. These chapters have
assured to the right use of wealth a place of real dignity among the
forms of Christian service.
4. THE OPPONENTS. II Cor., chs. 10 to 13
The striking change of tone at ch. 10 : 1 is amply explained by
the change of subject. In the first part of the epistle, Paul has been
thinking of the return of the majority of the congregation to their
allegiance; now he turns to deal with the false teachers who have
been causing all the trouble. It is still necessary to meet their
attacks and remove every vestige of influence which they may
still have retained over the church. Their attack upon Paul was
of a peculiarly mean and unworthy character; the indignation which
Paul displays in these chapters was fully justified.
The opponents were certainly Jews, and prided themselves on
the fact. Ch. 11 : 22. But it does not appear with certainty that
they were Judaizers. If they were intending to come forward with
any demand of circumcision or of observance of the Mosaic law,
such demand was still kept in the background. Indeed, there is no
indication that the doctrine that they preached was different in
important respects from that of Paul. In particular, there is no
indication that they advocated a different view about Jesus. One
verse, ch. 11 : 4, has, indeed, been regarded as such an indication,
but only by an exceedingly doubtful interpretation. Probably the
other Jesus whom the opponents preached existed only in their own
Sen. r. ill. 55.
114 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
claim. They said merely, "Paul has kept something back," v. 6,
margin; ch. 4 :3; "we alone can give you adequate information;
we alone can proclaim the true Jesus, the true Spirit and the true
gospel." In reality, however, they had nothing new to offer.
Paul had made the whole gospel known.
It is further not even quite clear that the opponents laid stress
upon a personal acquaintance with the earthly Jesus, and so played
the original apostles off against Paul. The expression "chiefest
apostles," ch. 11 : 5, is clearly nothing more than an ironical
designation of the false teachers themselves. It is true, the false
teachers claimed to belong in a special sense to Christ, ch 10 : 7,
and to be in a special sense "ministers of Christ." Ch. 11 : 23.
But it is not at all clear — despite ch. 5 : 16 — that the connection
which they claimed to have with Christ was that of personal
acquaintance, either directly or through their authorities, with the
earthly Jesus. Finally, these false teachers cannot with any
certainty be connected with the Christ-party of First Corinthians.
The chief value of the last four chapters of the epistle is the wealth
of autobiographical material which they contain. Against the
insidious personal attacks of the opponents, Paul was obliged to
speak of certain personal matters about which he might otherwise
have been silent. Had he been silent, the Church would have been
the loser. To know the inner life of the apostle Paul is to know
Christ; for Paul was in Christ and Christ was in Paul. What could
compensate us for the loss of II Cor. 12 : 7-10? Through these
words the bodily weakness of Paul has forever been made profitable
for the strength of the Church.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
221-225. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves and Davis, article
on "Corinthians, Epistles to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the
Bible": Robertson, article on "Corinthians, Second Epistle to the."
M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 65-69. Beet,
"A Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles to the Corinthians," seventh
edition, pp. 1-20, 317-542. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers," vol. ii, pp. 357-417: Plumptre, "The Second
Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians." "The Cambridge
Bible for Schools": Lias, "The Second Epistle to the Corinthians."
Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 307-351. The
last-named work presupposes a knowledge of Greek.
LESSON XXI
THE GOSPEL OF SALVATION
The Epistle to the Romans, though it is not merely a systematic
treatise, is more systematic than any other of the Pauline Epistles.
Unlike the epistles that preceded it, it was written in a period of
comparative quiet between two great stages in the apostle's work.
Not unnaturally, therefore, it contains something like a summary
of Paul's teaching. The summary, however, does not embrace the
whole of the Pauline theology, but only one important department
of it. The nature of God, for example, and the person of Christ,
are not discussed in the Epistle to the Romans. Of course Paul
held very definite views upon these subjects, and these views are
presupposed on every page of the epistle — especially the loftiest
possible conception of the person of Christ lies at the background of
this entire account of Christ's work — but such presuppositions do
not in this epistle receive an elaborate exposition. The real subject
of the first eight chapters of Romans is not theology in general,
but simply the way of salvation. How can man be saved — that is
the question which Paul answers in this epistle.
Obviously the question is of the utmost practical importance.
The Epistle to the Romans is absolutely fundamental for the
establishment of Christian faith. This estimate, which was
formerly a matter of course, has in recent years unfortunately fallen
into disrepute. The Epistle to the Romans, after all, it is said, is
concerned with theology, whereas what we need is simple faith.
We must return from Romans to the Gospels, from Paul to Christ.
The words of Jesus, recorded in the Gospels, are thus emphasized
to the prejudice of the teaching of the apostle.
This tendency should be resisted with the utmost firmness. It
is striking at the very vitals of the Church's life. After all, Jesus
came, as has been well said, not to say something, but to do some-
thing. His words are very precious, we could never do without
them; but after all they are subsidiary to his deeds. His life and
death and resurrection — these are the things that wrought salvation
for men. And these great saving acts could not be fully explained
till after they had been done. For an explanation of them, therefore,
ii5
Il6 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
we must turn not only to the Gospels but also to the epistles, not
only to Jesus but also to Paul. Paul was in a special sense our
apostle; like us, he had never known the earthly Jesus. Just for
that reason, through the divine revelation that was granted him,
he could guide all subsequent generations to the risen Christ.
The Epistle to the Romans, more fully perhaps than any other book,
points out the meaning of the death and resurrection of Christ.
It does not, indeed, solve all mysteries; but it reveals enough to
enable us to believe.
1. THE EDICT OF CLAUDIUS
The edict of Claudius which expelled the Jews from Rome was
certainly not permanently effective; indeed there are some indica-
tions that it was modified almost as soon as it was issued. But
although it did not keep the Jews out of Rome, it may at least have
hastened the separation between Judaism and Christianity. If
the conflict between the two, as a conflict within Judaism, had
given rise to the hostile edict, then, as has plausibly been suggested,
the separation might be in the interests of both parties. If the
church were kept separate from the synagogue, the Jews would be
protected from dangerous disorders and from the opposition which
would be encountered by a new and illegal religion, and the Chris-
tians, on the other hand, would be protected from the Claudian
edict against the Jews.
2. ADDRESS, THANKSGIVING AND SUBJECT. Rom. 1 : 1-17
The address of the Epistle to the Romans is remarkable for the
long addition which is made to the name of the author. Paul was
writing to a church which he had never seen. His excuse for writing
was to be found only in the gospel with which he had been intrusted.
At the very start, therefore, he places his gospel in the foreground.
Here, however, it is rather the great presupposition of the gospel
which is in mind — Jesus Christ in his double nature. One who has
been commissioned to preach to the Gentiles the gospel of such a
Christ may certainly address a letter to Rome.
In connection with the customary thanksgiving, Paul mentions
his long-cherished desire of visiting the Roman Christians. He
desires to impart unto them some spiritual gift — no, he says, rather
he desires to receive from them as well as to give. The correction
is characteristic of Paul. Some men would have felt no need of
making it. As a matter of fact, Paul was fully in a position to
THE GOSPEL OF SALVATION 1 17
impart spiritual gifts. But he was afraid his readers might feel
hurt — as though the apostle thought they could make no return for
the benefit which the visit would bring them. It is an exquisite bit
of fine discernment and delicate courtesy. But like all true courtesy,
it was based on fact. Paul was really not a man to decline help and
comfort from even the humblest of the brethren.
In vs. 16, 17, the theme of the epistle is announced — the gospel
the power of God unto salvation, the gospel which reveals a right-
eousness of God that is received by faith. The meaning of "a
righteousness of God" has been much disputed. Some think that
it refers to the righteousness which is an attribute of God. More
probably, however, it is to be interpreted in the light of ch. 10 : 3;
Phil. 3:9. It then refers to that right relation of man to God which
God himself produces. There are two ways of receiving a sentence
of acquittal from God the Judge. One is by keeping the law of God
perfectly. The other is by receiving through faith the righteousness
of Christ. The former is impossible because of sin. The latter has
been made possible by the gift of Christ. As sinners, we are subject
to the punishment of death. But that punishment has been paid
for us by Christ. We therefore go free; we can start fresh, with the
consciousness of God's favor. We are "justified" — that is, "pro-
nounced righteous" — not because we are free from sin, but because
by his grace God looks not upon us but upon Christ. We have been
pronounced righteous, but not on account of our own works. We
possess not our own righteousness but "a righteousness of God."
This righteousness of God is received by faith. Faith is not a
work, it is simply the willingness to receive. Christ has promised
by his death to bring us to God. We may not understand it all,
but is Christ to be believed? Study the Gospel picture of him, and
you will be convinced that he is.
Justification by faith, then, means being pronounced righteous
by God, although we are sinners. It might seem to be a very
dangerous doctrine. If we are pronounced righteous whether we
are really righteous or not, then may we not go on with impunity
in sin? Such reasoning ignores the results of justification. Faith
brings more than forgiveness. It brings a new life. In the new
life sin has no place. The Christian has broken forever with his old
slavery. Though perfection has not yet been attained in practice, it
has been attained in principle, and by the power of the Spirit all
sin will finally be removed. The Christian cannot compromise with
sin. Salvation is not only from the guilt of sin, but also from the
Il8 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
power of it. The sixth chapter of Romans leaves no room for moral
laxness
3. ROMANS AND GALATIANS
It is interesting to compare Romans with Galatians. The subject
of the two epistles is the same. Both are concerned with salvation
by faith alone, apart from the works of the law. In many passages
the two are parallel. The fuller exposition in Romans is often the
best commentary upon the briefer statements of Galatians. For
example, the words: "What then is the law? It was added because
of transgressions" — very obscure as they stand in Galatians — are
explained by Rom. 5 : 20; ch. 7. In tone, however, the two epistles
are widely different. Galatians is written in view of one definite
attack upon the gospel; Romans is a general exposition summing
up the results of the conflict. When Paul wrote Galatians he was
in the thick of the battle; at the time of Romans he had fought his
way through to the heights.
The Epistle to the Romans, however, is no cold, purely logical
treatise. Theology here is interwoven with experience. No ex-
position can do justice to this wonderful letter. To read about it
is sometimes dull; but to read it is life.
4. THE PAULINE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY. Rom., chs. 9 to 11
Chapters 9 to 11 of this epistle are interesting in a great many
ways. They are interesting, for example, in their tremendous con-
ception of the mystery of the divine will. The ninth chapter of
Romans is a good corrective for any carelessness in our attitude
toward God. After all, God is a mystery. How little we know
of his eternal plan! We must ever tremble before him. Yet it is
such a God who has invited us, through Christ, to hold communion
with himself. There is the true wonder of the gospel — that it
brings us into fellowship, not with a God of our own devising, not
with one who is a Father and nothing else, but with the awful, holy,
mysterious Maker and Ruler of all things. The joy of the believer
is the deepest of all joys. It is a joy that is akin to holy fear.
These chapters are also interesting because they attest the attach-
ment of Paul to the Jewish people. Where is there a nobler ex-
pression of patriotism than Rom. 9:1-5? Exclusive attention to
the polemic passages where Paul is defending the Gentile mission
and denying the efficacy of the Mosaic law, have produced in the
minds of some scholars a one-sided view of Paul's attitude toward
Israel. Paul did not advocate the destruction of the identity of his
THE GOSPEL OF SALVATION 119
people. He believed that even the natural Israel had a part to play
on the stage of history. These chapters of Romans, together with
some other passages in the epistles, such as I Cor. 9 : 20, confirm what
the Book of The Acts tells us about Paul's willingness, when no
principle was involved, to conform to Jewish custom.
5. INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLE
The genuineness of the Epistle to the Romans is undoubted, but
its "integrity" has been questioned. The epistle was certainly
written by Paul, but was it all, as we now have it, originally part
of one letter? By many scholars the greater part of the sixteenth
chapter is supposed to have originally formed part of an epistle of
Paul written not to Rome but to Ephesus. The chief argument for
this hypothesis is derived from the long list of names in ch. 16: 3-15.
Could Paul have had so many personal acquaintances in a church
which he had never visited? The argument is not conclusive.
Just because Paul could not appeal in his letter to any personal
acquaintance with the Roman church as a whole, it would be natural
for him to mention at least all the individuals in the church with
whom he stood in any sort of special relation. Furthermore, the
frequency of travel in the Roman Empire must be borne in mind.
Many persons whom Paul had met on his travels would naturally
find their way to the capital. Finally, Aquila and Priscilla, though
they had recently lived in Ephesus, I Cor. 16 : 19, may easily have
resumed their former residence in Rome. Acts 18 : 2 ; Rom. 16 : 3-5.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
226-231. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, (supplemented)
article on "Romans, Epistle to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the
Bible": Robertson, article on "Romans, Epistle to the." M'Clymont,
"The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 77-82. Gifford, "The
Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans." Ellicott, "A New Testament
Commentary for English Readers," vol. ii, pp. 193-280: Sanday,
"The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans." "The Cambridge
Bible for Schools": Moule, "The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the
Romans." "The International Critical Commentary": Sanday and
Headlam, "A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to
the Romans." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i,
PP- 352-438. The two last-named works presuppose a knowledge of
Greek.
LESSON XXII
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO ROME
The material of this lesson is so extensive that only the barest
summary can be attempted in the class. The great features of the
narrative should be made to stand out clear — the bitter opposition
of the Jews, the favorable attitude of the Roman authorities, the
journey to Rome. Before the lesson is over the student should have
a deeper impression of the character of Paul — his perfect ease and
tactfulness in the various relations of life, his unswerving boldness
where the gospel was concerned, his inexplicable power. Finally,
the peculiar quality of the narrative should be appreciated. These
chapters contain the two longer "we-sections" of The Acts.
1. THE JOURNEY TO TROAS
At first Paul had intended to sail direct from Corinth to Syria, but
a plot of the Jews caused him to change his plan. Acts 20 : 3. It
has been suggested that the ship upon which he was intending to sail
may have carried non-Christian Jews, going to the approaching
feast in Jerusalem, v. 16, who could have done him harm upon the
voyage. By choosing the route through Macedonia he averted the
immediate danger.
The use of the first person plural begins again at Acts 20 : 5. It
was broken off at ch. 16: 17. Luke had parted from Paul at Philippi
on the second missionary journey; and it is at Philippi that he
now appears again. The following journeys, in which Luke him-
self took part, are narrated with the utmost vividness and minute-
ness. The narrative amounts practically to a diary — in some
sections every day is accounted for.
The departure from Philippi took place "after the days of un-
leavened bread," that is, after the passover week. Acts 20 : 6.
From the account of the subsequent journey it is not quite
possible to tell whether Paul actually succeeded in carrying out
his plan of being in Jerusalem at Pentecost. Pentecost, it will be
remembered, came fifty days after the beginning of the passover
week.
120
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO ROME 121
2. TROAS
The description of the last evening at Troas, when Paul pro-
longed his discourse in the lighted room, is one of the inimitably
vivid scenes of The Acts. Probably we are to understand that
Eutychus, who fell down from a window in the third story, was
really killed and not merely stunned. Verse 10 might seem to
indicate that he was only stunned, but the last words of v. 9 point
rather to actual, and not merely apparent, death. The miracle is
paralleled by the raising of Dorcas by Peter. Acts 9 : 36-42.
3. THE ELDERS OF EPHESUS
When Paul told the elders that they would see his face "no more,"
or perhaps rather "no longer," Acts 20 : 25, 38, he did not necessarily
mean that he would certainly never return to Ephesus. For a period
of years, at any rate, he was intending to transfer his labors to the
west; his return to Ephesus, therefore, was at all events uncertain.
His long activity at Ephesus, which had occupied the better part of
the past three years, was for the present at an end. From the
Pastoral Epistles it appears that as a matter of fact Paul did visit
Ephesus again after his release from the first Roman imprisonment.
4. ARRIVAL IN PALESTINE
At Tyre and at Caesarea, Paul received warnings against visiting
Jerusalem. These warnings came through the Spirit, Acts 21 : 4,
11, but not in the sense that the Holy Spirit commanded Paul not
to go. The meaning is that the Spirit warned him of the dangers
that were to befall him. In meeting these dangers bravely he was
acting in full accordance with the divine will.
At Acts 21 : 18 the use of the first person plural ceases, because
Luke had no immediate part in the events that followed. It is
natural to suppose, however, that he remained in Palestine, for he
joined Paul again in Caesarea, at the beginning of the journey to
Rome. For the events of Paul's imprisonment in Jerusalem and in
Caesarea he had first-hand information.
The vow in which Paul took part at the request of James was at
least similar to the Nazirite vow described in Num. 6 : 1-21. Not
all the details of such vows are perfectly clear. Paul himself, on
his own account, had assumed a similar vow on his second missionary
journey, Acts 18 : 18 — unless indeed, as is grammatically possible,
the words in that passage refer to Aquila rather than to Paul.
It was not true, as the Christians of Judea had been led to think,
122 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
that Paul taught the Jewish Christians of the disperson to forsake
the law of Moses, though he was insistent that the Gentile Christians
must not adopt that law. It was not even true that he himself had
altogether given up keeping the law, though the exigencies of his
,Gentile work required him to give it up very often, and though he
regarded himself as inwardly free from the law. His willingness to
take part in a Jewish vow in Jerusalem is therefore not surprising.
His action on this occasion was fully justified by the principles of
his conduct as described in I Cor. 9 : 20, 21. The keeping of the
law was not for Paul a means of obtaining salvation. Salvation was
a free gift of God, through the death of Christ. But for the present
the general relinquishment of the law and abandonment of the dis-
tinctive customs of Judaism on the part of Jewish Christians was not
required. Paul was willing to leave that question to the future
guidance of God.
It is somewhat surprising that the Book of The Acts mentions the
great collection for the Jerusalem church only incidentally, in the
report of a speech of Paul. Acts 24 : 17. The interest of Luke in
this part of the narrative is absorbed in the relations between Paul
and the non-Christian Jews and the Roman authorities. The
internal affairs of the Church are left for the most part out of
account. The Acts and the Pauline Epistles, here as so often, must
be allowed to supplement each other. Luke gives a vivid picture
of the external events, and a clear view of the relations of Chris-
tianity to the outside world ; while Paul affords us a deeper insight,
in some respects at least, into the inward development of the
Church's life.
5. PAUL BEFORE AGRIPPA
The famous reply of Agrippa to Paul, Acts 26 : 28, is exceedingly
difficult to translate and to interpret. The translation in the
Revised Version is by no means certainly correct. The words may
mean, "A little more of this persuasion will make me a Christian!"
or else, "You seem to think that the little persuasion you have used
is sufficient to make me a Christian." In any case, the sentence
displays a certain perplexity on the part of the king. He certainly
does not mean that he is on the point of accepting Christianity —
his words have a half-ironical tone — but on the other hand his in-
terest is aroused. The same thing is probably to be said for Festus.
He said, "Paul, thou art mad; thy much learning is turning thee
mad," but he said it with a loud voice as though he were agitated.
There was something uncanny about this prisoner!
PAUL'S JOURNEY TO ROME 123
6. THE ACCESSION OF FESTUS
The dates of many events in the apostolic age have usually been
fixed by counting from the accession of Festus. Unfortunately,
however, that event itself cannot be dated with certainty. Some
put it as late as A. D. 61, others as early as A. D. 55. If the date
A. D. 60 be provisionally adopted, then Paul's arrest in Jerusalem
occurred in A. D. 58, and his arrival in Rome in A. D. 61. The
conclusion of the narrative in The Acts would then fall in the year
A. D. 63. It will be remembered that the proconsulship of Gallio now
affords an additional starting point for a chronology of the apostolic
7. LATER HISTORY OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH
After the meeting between Paul and James, which is narrated in
Acts 21 : 17-26, the Jerusalem church, at least so far as any direct
narrative is concerned, disappears from the pages of the New
Testament. It will be observed that in the account of Paul's last
visit, only James, the brother of the Lord, and "the elders" are men-
tioned as representatives of the church. Possibly some of the
twelve apostles may be included under the term "elders," but it is
also perfectly possible that the apostles were all out of the city.
James, the brother of the Lord, continued to be the head of the
Jerusalem church until he was martyred — in A. D. 62, or, as others
suppose, in A. D. 66. Before the war which culminated in the cap-
ture of Jerusalem in A. D. 70, the Christians of the city fled to Pella
beyond the Jordan. From that time on, though the Christians
returned after the war, Jewish Christianity was quite uninfluential.
The supremacy of the Jerusalem church was gone. But that church
had already rendered a priceless service. It had laid the foundations
of Christendom. It had sent forth the first missionaries. And it
had preserved the record of Jesus' life. The Synoptic Gospels, in
substance at least, are a product of the Jerusalem church.
In The Library — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 160-166, 231-239. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on the
many persons and places mentioned in the narrative, especially "Felix,"
"Festus," and "Herod" (4). Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and the
Roman Citizen," pp. 283-362; "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp.
270-285, 310-364. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," vol. ii,
chs. ii, iii, iv, v, and vi. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life and
Epistles of St. Paul," chs. xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv and xxv. Stalker,
"The Life of St. Paul," pp. 121-133. Lumby, pp. 266-380. Cook, pp.
485-534. Plumptre, pp. 136-184. Rackham, pp. 370-5*3-
LESSON XXIII
THE SUPREMACY OF CHRIST
1. THE EPISTLES OF THE THIRD GROUP
With the lesson for to-day, we are introduced to the third group
among the epistles of Paul. The epistles of the second group, which
were written during the third missionary journey, are concerned
with the problem of sin and salvation; the epistles of the third group
are interesting especially for their teaching about the person of
Christ and about the Church. A period of about three or four years
separates the last epistle of the second group from the first epistle of
the third. Most of this interval had been spent by Paul in captivity.
Undoubtedly, during this period of enforced leisure, there had been
development in Paul's thinking, but it is very difficult to determine
exactly wherein that development consisted. The differences of the
third group of epistles from the second are due to the difference in
the readers at least as much as to a difference in Paul himself. It is
hard to say just how much of Colossians and Ephesians Paul would
have been incapable of writing during the third missionary journey.
At any rate, the epistles of the captivity differ from those of the
former group in being for the most part quieter in tone. During the
third journey Paul had had to continue the great battles of his
career against various forms of Judaizing error. Christianity at one
time seemed to be in danger of being reduced to a mere form of
Judaism; the free grace of God was being deserted for a law religion;
faith was being deserted for works. In Galatia, the question of
principle had been uppermost; in Corinth, the personal attack upon
Paul. Everywhere, moreover, the gospel of salvation by faith was
exposed to misconception. Pagan license was threatening to creep
into the Church. Unless it could be kept out, the legalists would
have some apparent show of reason on their side. Taking it all in
all, it had been a hard battle. But it had been gloriously fought, and
it had been won. Now Paul was able to turn his attention to new
fields of labor and to new problems.
2. THE CHRISTOLOGY OF COLOSSIANS
The Epistle to the Colossians is peculiarly "Christological."
More fully and more expressly than in any other of his letters Paul
124
THE SUPREMACY OF CHRIST 125
here develops his view about the person of Christ. Even here, how-
ever, this teaching is incidental; it was simply Paul's way of refuting
certain errors that had crept into the Colossian church. Except
for those errors Paul would perhaps never have written at length, as
he does in Col. 1 : 14-23, about the relation of Christ to God and to
the world. Yet in that case his own views would have been the
same, and they would have been just as fundamental to his whole
religious life. In the epistles, which are written to Christians, Paul
takes many things for granted. Some of the things which are most
fundamental appear only incidentally. Just because they were
fundamental, just because they were accepted by everyone, they
did not need to be discussed at length.
So it is especially with the person of Christ. From the first
epistle to the last, Paul presupposes essentially the same view of
that great subject. Practically everything that he says in Colossians
could have been inferred from scattered hints in the earlier epistles.
From the beginning Paul regarded Jesus Christ as a man, who had a
real human life and died a real death on the cross. From the be-
ginning, on the other hand, he separated Christ sharply from men
and placed him clearly on the side of God. From the beginning, in
other words, he attributed to him a double nature — Jesus Christ
was always in Paul's thinking both God and man. Finally, the
preexistence of Christ, which is so strongly emphasized in Colossians,
is clearly implied in such passages as Gal. 4:4; and his activity in
creation appears, according to the best-attested text, in I Cor. 8 : 6.
Nevertheless, the more systematic exposition in Colossians is of
the utmost value. It serves to summarize and explain the scattered
implications of the earlier epistles. Christ according to Paul is, in
the first place, "the image of the invisible God." Col. 1 : 15. He
is the supreme Revealer of God, a Revealer, however, not merely by
words but by his own nature. If you want to know what God is,
look upon Christ! In the second place, he is "the firstborn of all
creation." Of itself that phrase might be misconstrued. It might
be thought to mean that Christ was the first being that God created.
Any such interpretation, however, is clearly excluded by the three
following verses. There Paul has himself provided an explanation
of his puzzling phrase. "The firstborn of all creation" means that
Christ, himself uncreated, existed before all created things; he was
prior to all things, and, as befits an only son, he possesses all things.
Indeed he himself was active in the creation of all things, not only
the world, and men, but also those angelic powers — "thrones or
126 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
dominions or principalities or powers" — upon whom the errorists in
Colossae were inclined to lay too much emphasis. He was the in-
strument of God the Father in creation. And he was also the end
of creation. The world exists not for its own sake, but for the sake
of Christ. Especially is he the Head of the Church. His headship
is declared by his being the first to rise from the dead into that
glorious life into which he will finally bring all his disciples. In a
word, the entire "fulness" of the divine nature dwells in Christ.
That word "fulness" was much misused in the "Gnostic" specula-
tions of the second century. It is barely possible that the word had
already been employed in the incipient Gnosticism of the Colossian
errorists. If so, Paul by his repeated use of the word in Colossians
and Ephesians, is bringing his readers back to a healthier and simpler
and grander conception.
3. THE PERSON OF CHRIST AND THE WORK OF CHRIST
In Col. 1 : 20-23, Paul bases upon the preceding exposition of the
nature of Christ a noble description of Christ's work. The work
which has been intrusted to Christ is nothing less than that of
reconciling the creation unto God. Through sin, an enmity had
been set up between God and the work of his hands. That enmity
applies primarily of course to the sinful persons themselves. They
are under God's wrath and curse. Sin is not a trifle. It cannot
simply be treated as though it had never been. If God be righteous,
then there is such a thing as a moral order. The wrath of God rests
upon the sinner. But by the sacrifice of Christ, that enmity has
been wiped out. Christ has paid the awful penalty of sin. Christ
has brought the sinner again near to God. The enmity and the
following reconciliation concern primarily the men who have sinned.
But they also apply to the whole world. The ground has been
cursed for man's sake. The end of the reconciliation will be a new
heaven and a new earth. The groaning and travailing of the crea-
tion will one day have an end. Compare Rom. 8 : 18-25.
This brief description of the work of Christ in Col. 1 : 20-22;
2 : 10-15, can be richly paralleled in the earlier epistles. What now
needs to be emphasized is that the Pauline view of Christ's work
depends absolutely upon the Pauline view of Christ's person.
All through the epistles of Paul the life and death and resurrection
are represented as events of a cosmic significance. But they can
have such significance only if Christ is the kind of being that is
described in the Epistle to the Colossians. The glorious account of
THE SUPREMACY OF CHRIST 127
salvation, which runs all through the epistles and forms the especial
subject of the second group, is unintelligible if Christ were merely an
inspired prophet or merely the greatest of created things. It be-
comes intelligible only if Christ is "the image of the invisible God,
the firstborn of all creation." The mysterious Christology of
Colossians lies at the very heart of Christian faith.
4. THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON
The Epistle to the Colossians, though addressed to a church that
Paul had never visited, is full of warm-hearted affection. Paul could
hardly have been cold and formal if he had tried. He was a man of
great breadth of sympathy. Hence he was able to enter with the
deepest interest into the problems of the Colossian Christians — to
rejoice at their faith and love, to lament their faults, and to labor
with whole-souled devotion for their spiritual profit.
The simple, unconstrained affection of Paul's nature, however, had
freer scope in the delightful little letter to Philemon. Philemon
apparently was a convert of Paul himself. Philem. 19. He was not
a man with whom Paul had to be on his guard. Paul is perfectly
confident that Philemon will fully understand the motives of his
action and of his letter.
The letter is addressed to Philemon primarily, but also to Apphia
and to Archippus and to the church in Philemon's house. We are
here introduced into a Christian household of the apostolic age.
Apphia was probably Philemon's wife and Archippus perhaps his
son. Evidently Archippus held some sort of office in the Colossian
church. "Say to Archippus," says Paul in a strangely emphatic way,
at the very end of the Epistle to the Colossians, "Take heed to the
ministry which thou hast received in the Lord, that thou fulfill it."
We should like to know what the ministry was which Archippus had
received. At any rate, we hope that he fulfilled it. It was a solemn
warning which he received — a warning which might well have made
him tremble. We also may well take the warning to heart. Our
task of imparting Bible truth is no light responsibility. To us also
the warning comes, "Take heed to the ministry which thou hast
received in the Lord, that thou fulfill it."
The letter is addressed not only to Philemon and his family, but
also to the "church" which met in his house. This "church" was a
part of the Colossian congregation. In the early days, when it was
difficult to secure meeting places, well-to-do Christians frequently
offered the hospitality of their own homes. A certain Nympha or
128 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
Nymphas — the name varies in the manuscripts — performed this
service in Laodicea, Col. 4 : 15, Aquila and Priscilla in Corinth,
I Cor. 16 : 19, and also Gaius in the same city. Rom. 16 : 23.
The Epistle to Philemon exhibits that perfection of courtesy and
delicacy of feeling which has been observed again and again in Paul.
A man of coarser feeling might have kept Onesimus with him until
receiving the response of Philemon. In that case no doubt Philemon
would have replied not only that Onesimus was forgiven, but that
Paul might retain the benefit of his services. But Paul saw clearly
that that would have made Philemon's goodness seem to be of
necessity and not of free will. Philem. 14. There was only one
really fine, honorable, high-toned way of dealing with the situation,
and that was the way which Paul adopted.
The letter is informal and affectionate. There is even apparently
a little delicate play on the name Onesimus, which means "helpful."
Once Onesimus belied his name, but now he has become helpful
again. Philem. 11. In v. 20, also, where Paul says, "Let me have
joy of thee," he uses a word which comes from the same root as that
which appears in the name of the slave. Nevertheless, despite all
informality, Paul has succeeded, here as always, in lifting the matter
to a lofty plane. Paul was a man who ennobled everything that he
touched.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
241-246. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible," articles on "Colossi,"
"Hierapolis" and "Laodicea": Purves, articles on "Colossians, Epistle
to the" and "Philemon" (supplemented). Hastings, "Dictionary of
the Bible": Ramsay, articles on "Colossae," "Hierapolis," and
"Laodicea"; Murray, article on "Colossians, Epistle to the"; Bernard,
articles on "Philemon," and "Philemon, Epistle to." M'Clymont,
"The New Testament and Its Writers, pp. 91-98. Ellicott, "A New
Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii: Barry, "The
Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colos-
sians," pp. 1-8, 96-124; "The Epistle of Paul to Philemon," pp. 265-274.
"The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The Epistles
to the Colossians and to Philemon." Zahn, "Introduction to the New
Testament," vol. i, pp. 439-479. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistles to
the Colossians and to Philemon." The two last-named works are in-
tended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can
also be used by others.
LESSON XXIV
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST
The special effort in the lessons of the second quarter has been to
produce some lively impression of the wonderful variety among the
letters of Paul. That variety is due largely to the variety in the
occasions of the letters. Just because Paul entered with such
sympathy into the varying circumstances of his many churches,
the letters of Paul reflect the wonderful manifoldness of life.
Nevertheless, it is also an advantage that at least one letter is
largely independent of any special circumstances whatever. This
is the case with the epistle which is to be studied to-day. The
Epistle to the Ephesians is addressed to a definite group of churches,
but that group is addressed not with regard to its own special
problems, but simply as representative of Gentile Christianity in
general. For once Paul allows his thoughts to flow unchecked by the
particular needs of his readers.
1. STYLE OF EPHESIANS
The purpose of Ephesians, therefore, is quite different from the
purpose of any other of the Pauline Epistles. To the difference in
purpose corresponds a difference in style. The style of Ephesians
is characterized especially by long sentences, heaped full of an almost
bewildering wealth of thought. This characteristic had appeared to
some extent even in the earliest epistles — compare II Thess. 1 :
3-10 — but in Ephesians it becomes more pronounced. Ephesians
1 : 3-14, for example, is only one sentence, but it is a world in itself.
Apparently in this epistle Paul has allowed his mind and heart to
roam unchecked over the whole realm of the divine economy. This
freedom might conceivably be thought to involve a sacrifice of
logical symmetry and of euphonic grace, but at any rate it possesses
a certain beauty and value of its own. Ephesians may lack the
splendid rhythm of the first chapter of First Corinthians or the
eighth chapter of Romans, but on the other hand these tremendous
periods, with their heaping-up of majestic phrases, serve admirably
to express the bewilderment of the soul in the presence of divine
wonders. Human language is inadequate to do full justice to the
grace of God. In Ephesians, we see an inspired apostle striving to
Sea. T. III. 2. I2g
130 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
give utterance in human language to things which in their full
reality are unspeakable.
2. COLOSSIANS AND EPHESIANS
The Epistle to the Ephesians is strikingly similiar to the Epistle
to the Colossians, not only in thought, but also in many details of
language. Another case of striking similarity between two epistles
of Paul was encountered in First and Second Thessalonians. There
the two similiar letters were written both to the same church, though
at no very great interval of time. The similiarity was due to the
desire which Paul felt of reiterating, with some additions and ex-
planations, the teaching of his former letter. In the case of
Ephesians and Colossians the similarity is even more easily explained.
These two epistles were written to different churches at the same
time. What more natural than that the same thoughts and to
some extent the same words should appear in both? Only, the
teaching which in Colossians is directed against a definite form of
error is in Ephesians reproduced in freer, more general form. The
relation between the two epistles is somewhat like that which exists
between Galatians and Romans. In Galatians, the doctrine of
salvation by faith appears in conflict with the opposing error; in
Romans, the same doctrine finds expression, but this time in quieter,
more systematic development, after the conflict is over. The
similarity between Galatians and Romans is, however, not so close
as that between Colossians and Ephesians — partly because the con-
trast of spirit is not so striking in the latter case, Colossians being
far less bitterly polemic than Galatians; and more particularly be-
cause a considerable interval separates Romans from Galatians,
whereas Colossians and Ephesians were dispatched by the same
messenger.
3. THE ADDRESS OF EPHESIANS. EPH. 1: 1, 2
In the Student's Text Book, it has been shown that the words
"at Ephesus" in the first verse may perhaps be no part of what Paul
wrote, but a later addition. It cannot be claimed, however, that
the problem of the address has been completely solved. Without
the words "at Ephesus," the address becomes very difficult. "To
the saints that are and the faithful in Christ Jesus" hardly seems to
make sense. The Greek words might be construed perfectly well
to mean, "To the saints who are also faithful in Christ Jesus," but
that is a rather unusual expression. The suggestion has been made
that in the first copies of the epistle a blank space was left after "the
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST 131
saints that are," to be filled in with the names of the particular
churches of the group which is addressed. Every church among the
group would thus receive a copy with its own name inserted. The
hypothesis is not altogether satisfactory. Probably we shall simply
have to admit that there is an unsolved problem here.
4. THANKSGIVING FOR THE PLAN OF SALVATION. EPH.
1 : 3-14
Before the customary thanksgiving for the Christian state of the
readers, Paul inserts here, in accordance with the nature of this
epistle, a general thanksgiving for the whole Church, which is applied
especially to the readers only at the very end. The passage contains
a wonderful summary of the whole of salvation, but it begins with
the plan of God and it closes with the glory of God. God is the be-
ginning and end of all things. His mysterious decree is the cause
of our being chosen for salvation, and his own glory is the ultimate
object in view. Men are often rebellious against such a God -centered
view of things. Predestination is an unpopular doctrine. But it
was at any rate the doctrine of Paul, and it lay at the roots of his
experience. It is sometimes hard for us to write God so large in
our thoughts. Because we think of him merely as a somewhat
greater man, we are inclined to reject the doctrine which attributes
all things to the workings of his will and to the furtherance of his
glory. If, however, we could think of him, not only as a person,
but also as an infinite, eternal and holy person, then we should
murmur no longer, but should, with Paul, burst forth in praise of the
inscrutable wonder of his grace. The glory of a merciful God has
involved for its full unfolding the salvation of guilty sinners. God's
glory finds its full expression only when he is revealed as the God
and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.
5. THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER FOR THE READERS. EPH.
1 : 15 to 2 : 10
Beginning with thanksgiving for the present faith and love of the
readers, Paul passes at once to a prayer that they may be given
understanding to appreciate the wonderful salvation which has been
celebrated in the preceding section, especially the mighty Saviour
who has been bestowed upon the Church. Then the greatness of the
present salvation, not only of Gentiles, but also of Jews, is celebrated
by a contrast with the previous condition of sin and misery. The
blessed change has been due, not to anything in man, but simply and
solely to the grace of God, received by faith.
132 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
6. RECEPTION OF THE GENTILES. EPH. 2 : 11-22
Here the contrast between past and present is applied especially
to the Gentiles. Formerly they were excluded from the people
of God. But now by the death of Christ the "middle wall of
partition" has been broken down. Gentiles and Jews have now a
common access to the Father.
7. THE MINISTRY OF PAUL. EPH., ch. 3
This reception of the Gentiles is the work that has been intrusted
especially to Paul. It is a glorious ministry, far too great for human
strength. It can be fulfilled only through the grace of God. The
full mystery of God's grace, concealed for many generations, has
at last been revealed. The first half of the epistle is fittingly closed
by a doxology.
8. LIFE IN THE CHURCH. EPH., chs. 4 to 6
This section may be called the practical part of the epistle. It
exhibits the results in holy living which proceed from the glorious
gospel which has just been proclaimed. Even in the "practical"
part, however, the great doctrines of God's grace are so constantly
finding renewed expression that it is difficult to separate one part
from the other. Paul never separated moral precepts from the
great truths which give them force. Let the readers live like citizens
of the commonwealth of God, and members of the body of Christ!
Naturally, in this part of the epistle the unity of the Church —
which is perhaps the central theme of the whole — is especially em-
phasized. The first half of the fourth chapter, for example, is a
magnificent hymn to Christian unity. Even in the midst of the
directions for the various relationships of life the great theme of
Christ and the Church, under the figure of husband and wife, is
brought again into view.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
246-249. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves and Davis, article
on "Ephesians, Epistle to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible":
Lock, article on "Ephesians, Epistle to." M'Clymont, "The New
Testament and Its Writers," pp. 99-103. Ellicott, "A New Testament
Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii: Barry, "The Epistles of
Paul the Apostle to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians," pp.
9-60. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The
Epistle to the Ephesians." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testa-
ment, vol. i, pp. 479-522. Robinson, "St. Paul's Epistle to the
Ephesians." The two last-named works are intended primarily for those
who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
LESSON XXV
CHRIST AND HIS FOLLOWERS
The Epistle to the Philippians is the only one of the letters of
Paul which is addressed to an approved church with whom he stood
on terms of untroubled intimacy and affection. In Galatians and
both the Corinthian epistles, serious errors in the churches addressed,
as well as unscrupulous personal criticism, lend a tone of bitterness to
the apostle's words; Romans, Colossians and perhaps "Ephesians"
are addressed to churches which he had never seen. In some ways
the little letter to Philemon is very similar to Philippians. Both
Philippians and Philemon display the same perfect confidence in
the readers, the same perfection of courtesy, the same tone of un-
troubled cordiality. But Philemon is addressed primarily to an
individual, and Philippians to a church; Philemon confines itself
almost exclusively to one little personal matter, while Philippians
discusses a variety of topics. Among the letters addressed to
churches, perhaps the First Epistle to the Thessalonians is more
similiar to Philippians, at least in tone, than is any of the others.
Like Philippians it is animated by a deep satisfaction with the
readers, and a certain pleasing simplicity of manner. But here
again of course there are wide differences. First Thessalonians is
addressed to an infant church, which has just passed through its
first trial, and needs the most elementary instruction; in Philippians
Paul is writing to old friends, to a church which for ten years has
endured bravely the hardships incident to the Christian profession,
and has shared in fullest sympathy the joys and sorrows of the
apostle's life.
During the ten years, moreover, which have elapsed between
First Thessalonians and Philippians, there has been a change in
the apostle himself, as well as in his readers. Those years of conflict
and labor and meditation and suffering have borne fruit in the
apostle's own thinking. His gospel was the same from the beginning,
but the expression of it has become richer and maturer and nobler
with the advancing years. Philippians is a wonderful letter.
Simplicity and profundity are here combined. This simple letter
of thanks, with its delicate courtesy and tactful admonition, has
133
134 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
engaged the profoundest study of the theologians, and touched the
grandest chords of the Christian heart.
1. THE ADDRESS. Phil. 1 : 1, 2
The address of Philippians is remarkable because of the mention
of bishops and deacons, which occurs in this way in no other of the
Pauline Epistles. Possibly, as has been suggested, these officers are
here mentioned because they had had a special part in sending the
gifts of the church. It is important to observe that there was a
plurality of bishops in the Philippian church. At a later time,
when the "bishops" were exalted above the other presbyters, there
was only one bishop in every church. In The Acts and in the
Pauline Epistles, "bishop" and "presbyter" appear plainly as
nothing more than two names for exactly the same office.
It should be noticed that the title "apostle," which appears at
the beginning of all the other Pauline Epistles addressed to churches,
except First and Second Thessalonians, the two earliest, is lacking
in the address of Philippians. Perhaps in writing to such a devoted
church Paul considered it unnecessary to mention his apostleship
as he had regularly done in his epistles since the denial of it in
Galatia. On account of the peculiar nature of the Philippian church,
the Epistle to the Philippians partakes somewhat of the informality
and intimacy of such a letter as that to Philemon, where the title
is also lacking in the address.
Very naturally Timothy is associated with Paul in the address of
the epistle, for he had been one of Paul's companions in founding
the Philippian church. At what time Timothy had come to Rome
we do not know. His name appears also in the address of Colossians
and of Philemon. Luke, although he had journeyed with Paul to
Rome, and was in Rome at the time when Colossians and Philemon
were written, Col. 4 : 14; Philem. 24, was apparently absent at the
time of Philippians; for since he, like Timothy, had assisted in
founding the Philippian church, and perhaps had even remained in
Philippi for years after the departure of the others, he would probably
have been associated in the address, or at least would have sent
greetings, if he had been at hand.
2. THE THANKSGIVING. Phil. 1 : 3-11
As might have been expected, the thanksgiving for the Christian
state of the readers is in this epistle of unusual cordiality. In the
mention of their "fellowship in furtherance of the gospel from the
CHRIST AND HIS FOLLOWERS 135
first day until now," there is perhaps a delicate allusion to the
material assistance which they had sent him from time to time and
especially a little while before the writing of the letter; but such
material assistance was for Paul of course not the only, or even the
principal, manifestation of their fellowship. Here as often, the
thanksgiving runs over into a prayer — and this time it is a prayer
of singular beauty and depth.
3. PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN ROME. Phil. 1 : 12-30
In this section, Paul hastens to relieve the minds of his readers
about the course of events in Rome. Even his bonds, and the
jealousy of certain preachers, have resulted only in the furtherance
of the gospel. With regard to the outcome of his trial, there is
every reason to be hopeful. For his part he would prefer to depart
and to be with Christ, but there is still work for him to do. And
whether he is present or absent, let the Philippians give him joy by
living in a manner worthy of the gospel, and by being steadfast in
the persecutions which are bound to come to them as well as to
him. It is a high privilege not only to believe in Christ, but also to
suffer for him.
4. EXHORTATION TO UNITY. Phil. 2 : 1-18
With the utmost earnestness, Paul here appeals to his readers to
keep their Christian life free from selfishness and quarreling. The
stupendous "Christological" passage of the epistle, vs. 5-11, which
has given rise to endless discussion, is introduced merely in an
incidental way, in order to strengthen the apostle's exhortation.
So it is frequently in the letters of Paul. The apostle was always able
to make the profoundest verities of the faith immediately effective
in conduct. Theology in Paul was never divorced from practice.
The converse of the proposition, however, is also true. If Paul's
theology did not exist apart from practice, neither did his practice
exist apart from theology. It is the latter proposition which needs
to be emphasized to-day. Modern liberalism has sometimes en-
deavored to reproduce Paul's religion apart from his theology; but
the effort has resulted in failure.
The example of Christ which Paul holds up before his readers is
briefly as follows: Originally Christ not only existed in the form of
God — that is, was in full possession of the divine attributes — but
also lived in glory, in a way befitting deity. Instead, however, of
keeping hold of this heavenly glory, he humbled himself by
136 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
becoming man. He laid aside, not indeed his divine attributes,
but the enjoyment of his divine glory. He who was Lord of all
took the form of a servant like other men. And even more. His
obedience extended even to death, and to the shameful death of
the cross. But after humiliation came exaltation. God gave to
him a name that is above every name. At the name of Jesus
every knee shall bow, in earth and in heaven, to the glory of God
the Father.
5. THE MISSION OF TIMOTHY AND OF EPAPHRODITUS.
Phil. 2 : 19-30
The personal appeal with which the preceding section closed leads
Paul to speak of the plans which he has for the comfort and help of
the readers. Timothy will be sent as soon as the issue of Paul's trial
is definitely in view; Epaphroditus will return to Philippi at once.
6. WARNING AGAINST OPPONENTS. Phil., ch. 3
The men who are rebuked in very vigorous language in the former
part of this section evidently placed an excessive emphasis upon
circumcision and connection with the people of Israel. Perhaps
also they were advocates of a law righteousness. V. 9. The most
obvious suggestion is that they were Judaizers like those in Galatia,
or at least like the opponents of Paul in Corinth. Paul's account
in vs. 4-6 of the Jewish advantages, fully equal to those of his
opponents, which he counts as nothing in view of the superior ad-
vantages of faith in Christ, is strikingly similar to II Cor. 11 : 21,
22. If, however, Paul is here referring to Judaizers, it looks as
though they were at least as cautious as the opponents in Corinth
about presenting the claims of the law. At any rate, the danger
of a legalistic propaganda either in Philippi or in Rome does not
seem to be very seriously in view. Apparently the acute stage of
the Judaistic controversy is over. It is possible that Paul is referring
to Jews rather than Jewish Christians. We must remember that
Judaism in the first century was still an active missionary religion.
A Jewish propaganda, with stress upon circumcision and law right-
eousness, might conceivably become, even in Philippi, where the
Jews seem not to have been numerous, a serious danger, if not to
the stability, at least to the rapid extension, of the Christian Church.
Finally, it is uncertain whether "the enemies of the cross of
Christ," Phil. 3 : 18, are the same as those who are combated in the
former part of the section.
CHRIST AND HIS FOLLOWERS 137
Fortunately these various uncertainties do not affect the lofty
teaching of this part of the epistle. Whoever the opponents were,
what Paul says in opposition to them is the thing of real value. In
the wonderfully terse, complete, vigorous description of the Christian
salvation and of the Christian life which Paul gives in ch. 3 : 7-14,
20, 21, the long years of the Judaistic controversy have borne
glorious fruit. The final, eternal truth of God, in classic statement,
has at last emerged triumphant from the conflict.
. 7. EXHORTATION, ACKNOWLEDGMENT, GREETINGS AND
BENEDICTION. Phil., ch. 4
The principal contents of this section have been discussed in the
Student's Text Book. First Paul applies the general exhortation
to unity, Phil. 2 : 1-11, to the case of Euodia and Syntyche, and
adds certain other brief exhortations. The "true yokefellow" of
ch. 4:3 probably refers to Epaphroditus, the bearer of the epistle.
Then, in a characteristically delicate and worthy manner, he
acknowledges the gift of the Philippians. Next, in just a word, he
transmits, along with his own, the greetings of his immediate
companions, and of the Roman church in general, especially of those
members who were connected, as slaves or officials, with the im-
mediate service of the emperor. Finally, with a brief benediction,
the epistle closes.
In The Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
249-251. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited) article on
"Philippians." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Gibb, article on
"Philippians, Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New Testament
and Its Writers," pp. 83-90. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers", vol. iii : Barry, "The Epistles of Paul the Apostle
to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians," pp. 61-90. "The
Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The Epistle to the
Philippians." ^ahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i,
pp. 522-564. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians."
The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have
some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
LESSON XXVI
TRAINING NEW LEADERS
The emphasis which the Pastoral Epistles lay upon sound in-
struction and upon orderly government is sometimes looked upon
with distaste. Orthodoxy and organization are thought to be de-
structive of religious fervor. In the New Testament, however, the
two aspects of the Church's life appear side by side. In the New
Testament, enthusiasm and sanity are united. And the New
Testament is right. Religion is a concern of every individual soul —
the final decision must be made by every man in the immediate
presence of his God — but normally no man can do without associa-
tion with his fellows. The Church is a great permanent community.
It is not merely an aggregation, but an institution. To break away
from its restraints may be attractive, it may produce a certain
temporary impression of zeal and new life; but in the long run the
old way is usually best.
The Pastoral Epistles, however, are sometimes thought to indi-
cate an unfortunate change in Paul himself as well as in the Church.
Some students would prefer to know only the Paul of Galatians and
Corinthians and Romans. This judgment is one-sided. The
Pastorals do not contradict, but supplement, the earlier letters.
The earlier period, no doubt, is the more inspiring; there is nothing
in the Pastoral Epistles like the first few chapters of First Corin-
thians, or the fifth chapter of Second Corinthians, or the eighth chap-
ter of Romans. These passages are overpowering in the intensity
of their eloquence; the later letters are soberer, graver, more
matter-of-fact. These latter qualities, however, are much needed
in the Church. The Church needs enthusiasm; but she also needs
gravity and sanity. Her function is not merely evangelistic; it
is also conservative and educational. In both functions Paul was a
leader. The quiet gravity of the Pastoral Epistles supplements the
glories of Galatians and Romans. Only when these last epistles are
added to the others can the many-sided greatness of Paul be fully-
appreciated. Exaggerations, moreover, should be avoided. The
soberness of the Pastorals is not commonplace. Back of the details
of organization, back of the concern for sound instruction, there can
138
TRAINING NEW LEADERS I39
be detected throughout the glow of the Pauline gospel. The Pas-
toral Epistles, like the other letters of Paul, are a perennial fountain
of Christian life.
The Second Epistle to Timothy was clearly the last of the extant
epistles of Paul ; but the order of First Timothy and Titus cannot be
certainly determined. The difficulty of reconstructing the history
implied by the Pastoral Epistles reveals anew the supreme value
of The Acts. After the conclusion of the Lucan narrative the
historian is almost helpless. From about A. D. 63 on into the second
century, the history of the Church is shrouded in profound darkness,
with gleams of light only here and there.
1. THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY
At the time when First Timothy was written, Paul had recently
made a journey to Macedonia. I Tim. 1 : 3. Perhaps he had gone
thither from Ephesus, though the words do not make that perfectly
clear. At any rate, he had directed Timothy to remain in Ephesus,
where he hoped to join him before long. In case of delay, however,
he writes the epistle. Chs. 3 : 14, 15; 4 : 13.
On a previous occasion, perhaps by word of mouth when he had
been in Ephesus, he had warned Timothy to put a stop to certain
false teaching in the Church, and the warning is now reiterated in
the epistle. The exact nature of this teaching is somewhat difficult
to determine. Apparently it had been concerned with the Jewish
law. Ch. 1:7-11. Compare Titus 1:10,14. Like the false
teaching at Colossse, it seems not to have been directly subversive
of the truth of the gospel. At least, however, it diverted attention
from the great things of the faith to useless questionings. I Tim.
6 : 4. The myths and endless genealogies, ch. 1 : 4, compare 4 : 7,
were perhaps elaborations of the Old Testament history. Whether
the ascetic tendency which is combated in ch. 4 : 3, 8, is connected
with this same teaching, is not certain, but is on the whole perhaps
probable.
The first reference to the false teaching, ch. 1 : 3-10, leads Paul to
speak of the norm by which it could be combated. Vs. 11-20. That
norm was the gospel with which he had been intrusted. The
bestowal of the gospel had changed him from a blasphemer and
persecutor into an apostle. The gospel had been bestowed purely
by the free grace of Christ, and its content was the salvation which
Christ offers. A doxology to God, v. 17, is natural whenever that
gospel is mentioned. That gospel will overcome all error, and if
140 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
attended to diligently will prevent disasters like that which has
befallen Hymen?eus and Alexander.
In the second chapter, Paul insists upon gravity and order in the
public worship of the Church. In the prayers which are to be
offered, the civil authority is not to be forgotten, even though it be
non-Christian. The sympathies of the Christian must be broad.
God desires all men to come to a knowledge of the truth.
The highest regular officers of the Church are in the third chapter
called "bishops." It is abundantly evident, however — especially
from Titus 1 : 5, 7 — that "bishop" is only another name for "presby-
ter" or "elder." At a later time the term "bishop" was applied to
an officer who had the supreme oversight over a church and to
whom the elders were subject. These conditions did not prevail
at the time of the Pastoral Epistles. At first sight, indeed, it
might seem as though Timothy and Titus themselves were "bishops"
in the later sense of the word. But this also is false. Timothy and
Titus do not appear at all as officers of individual congregations.
They had oversight over a plurality of churches, and evidently
their authority was special and temporary. They did not fill an
office which was intended to become permanent in the Church, but
were simply special representatives of the apostle. As the apostles
had no successors, so no man after the apostolic age had a right to
assume the functions of Timothy and Titus.
The fourth chapter calls attention to the revelation of the Holy
Spirit, probably through the lips of Christian prophets, that in the
future there would appear apostates from the faith. The errorists
who are combated in vs. 7-10 are apparently to be regarded as fore-
runners, still within the Church, of the more open apostasy which is
one day to follow.
The institution of the "widows," which is discussed in the fifth
chapter, is to us somewhat obscure. Evidently those who were
accounted "widows," being helpless, were entitled to support by the
church. The necessity of sound teaching, with emphasis upon the
really fundamental things of the faith, is again insisted upon; and
certain false teachers are accused of practicing or inculcating piety
as a means of worldly gain. Ch. 6 : 3-10. The last warning of the
epistle characteristically concerns vain babblings and oppositions
of a so-called knowledge. Probably these errors are connected in
some way with those which are combated in the first section of the
epistle. In the final words, "Grace be with you," the "you" in the
Greek, according to the best attestation, is plural; and in the cor-
TRAINING NEW LEADERS I4I
tesponding passages at the end of Titus and of Second Timothy, it
is certainly plural. This may furnish an indication — to be added
to more general considerations — that the Pastoral Epistles were
intended not merely for those to whom they are formally addressed,
but also to the churches under their care.
2. THE EPISTLE TO TITUS
The address of the Epistle to Titus is noteworthy for the long
addition to the title of the author, which is to be compared with the
similar addition in Romans.
At the time when the epistle was written, Paul had recently been
with Titus in Crete. Paul had not labored on that island before the
first Roman imprisonment. His journeys in the east between the
two imprisonments therefore involved something more than the
revisitation of former fields. The reason why Titus was left behind
in Crete was somewhat similar to the reason why Timothy, accord-
ing to First Timothy, was told to remain in Ephesus. Titus was to
give attention to organization, and to the maintenance of sound
instruction.
Like Timothy, Titus is given the power of establishing presbyters,
and of establishing them not merely in one church but in various
churches. The function of the presbyter was that of "bishop" or
"overseer." Titus 1 : 5-7. In vs. 9-16, the close connection of
organization with sound doctrine becomes particularly apparent.
One important function of the presbyters was to counteract the
errors which were springing up. The account of the errorists in
Crete is perhaps in some respects clearer than that which is given
of the related phenomenon in Ephesus. The false teachers were
animated by a love of gain. V. 11. Some of them were Jews or
proselytes. V. 10. They had a fondness for Jewish fables. Ap-
parently, also, they tried to atone for a lack of real inward purity
by an outward asceticism. Vs. 15, 16. They were concerned with
vain questionings and genealogies and legal disputes. These last
are perhaps to be regarded as casuistic discussions like those which
play such a large part in Jewish tradition.
The Epistle to Titus is somewhat richer than First Timothy in
personal details. After Titus has been relieved in Crete by Artemas
or Tychicus, who may soon be sent, he is to join Paul in Nicopolis.
Tychicus, it will be remembered, had served as Paul's messenger
during the first imprisonment. He was the bearer of Colossians
and Ephesians. The Nicopolis where Paul is intending to pass the
Sen. t. m. 2.
142 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
approaching winter, is probably the chief of the many cities of that
name, the Nicopolis in Epirus. Zenas, a lawyer otherwise unknown,
and the well-known Apollos, who appears so prominently in The
Acts and in First Corinthians, are to be furnished in Crete with
everything that they need for their further journey.
3. THE SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY
The First Epistle to Timothy and the Epistle to Titus are in
many respects strikingly similar. A certain strong family resem-
blance extends also to Second Timothy. Evidently all three of the
Pastoral Epistles belong to the same general period of Paul's life,
and were intended to subserve similar purposes. Second Timothy,
however, as compared with the other two, exhibits some marked
peculiarities.
The personal element, in particular, is in this letter much more
prominent. Second Timothy contains a wealth of interesting
biographical details about Timothy, about Paul, and about a very
considerable number of other persons. Some of these last are known
only from this epistle; others have been brought to our attention
again and again.
In Second Timothy Paul appears as a prisoner, no doubt at Rome.
This time there seems to be little hope of his release. Apparently
his imprisonment is not of long standing. Only recently he has
been at Corinth and at Miletus. II Tim. 4 : 20. He speaks in one
place of his first defense. V. 16. Some suppose that this is a
reminiscence of the trial which had taken place years before, during
the first imprisonment. More probably it refers to some pre-
liminary hearing which had only recently been held. Paul is
oppressed with a sense of loneliness, even more than during the
first imprisonment. There was no one to stand by him at his first
hearing. For one reason or another, his intimate associates have
been scattered — some of them, no doubt, for good and sufficient
reasons, but Demas, at any rate, out of an unworthy love of the
world. Luke, fortunately, is still with him; and Timothy, with
Mark, is urged to come before the winter. Vs. 11, 21. Mark
seems to have changed since he turned back from the work at Perga.
At the beginning he was rebuked for desertion ; but now at the end
he is one of the few faithful ones.
It is not quite clear where Timothy was when the letter was
addressed to him. The greeting to Priscilla and Aquila might
seem to point to Ephesus. They had lived there before; perhaps
Sen. T. III. 2.
TRAINING NEW LEADERS 143
they returned thither after a residence in Rome. Rom. 16 : 3.
If Timothy was in Ephesus, then Tychicus, who was sent thither,
II Tim. 4 : 12, was probably expected to linger by the way; other-
wise his sending would be no news to the reader of the letter.
Something is to be said, perhaps, for the view that Timothy was
not at Ephesus, but perhaps at Lystra, his original home.
The Second Epistle to Timothy contains warnings against false
teaching similar to those which appear in First Timothy and Titus.
But the characteristic feature of the letter is to be found in the
references to the apostle's own life. Even the warnings and ad-
monitions are brought into relation to these. Paul does not
hesitate to point to himself as an example for his beloved followers.
He does so, without a touch of vain glory, in the simple consciousness
of a divine commission. Second Timothy is a letter of farewell, in
which reminiscence and exhortation are characteristically blended.
It is a farewell from the apostle, primarily for Timothy, though he
is expecting to see Timothy again, but also for all of the Pauline
churches. The letter has taken deep hold of every generation in
the history of the Church. The fitting end of a life of true service,
the calm facing of death, the certainty of heavenly communion
with the Lord — these are the things above all others that have
been learned from the last of the epistles of Paul.
In The Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 252-261. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, articles on
"Timothy" and "Titus." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and its
Writers," pp. 104-115. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,"
vol. ii, chs. vii, viii, ix, x and xi. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life
and Epistles of St. Paul," ch. xxvii. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul,"
pp. 133-136. Warfield, "Acts, Timothy, Titus and Philemon," in "The
Temple Bible," pp. xxvii-xliii. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers, vol. iii, pp. 171-264 : Spence, "The Pastoral Epistles
of St. Paul." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Hum-
phreys, "The Epistles to Timothy and Titus." Zahn, "Introduction
to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 1-133. The last named work is
intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but
can also be used by others.
Sen. T. HI. 2.
PART III :
The Presentation and Defense of
Christianity
LESSON XXVII
A PRESENTATION OF JESUS TO JEWISH CHRISTIANS
The Gospel According to Matthew
The Gospel of Matthew is probably, as has been said, the most
important book that was ever written. Its importance is due to the
information which it contains about Jesus Christ. More fully per-
haps than any other one book, the Gospel of Matthew has preserved
the knowledge of Jesus.
Whatever be the future of the Church, the life of Jesus will now
always remain the central fact of history. Even the secondary in-
fluence of Jesus is incalculable; even if none were left to own him as
Lord and Master, still he would remain incomparably the most in-
fluential man that has ever lived. As a matter of fact, however,
such a condition has never existed and never will exist. From the
very beginning the life of Jesus made itself felt through those who
accepted him, to the exclusion of all others, as the supreme Lord of
their lives. If Jesus had been regarded merely as a quiet teacher of
ethics, the Gospel of Matthew never would have been written, and
probably the very name of Jesus would have perished. The won-
derful influence of Jesus, which has transformed the world from
darkness to light, which alone gives promise of a final reign of
righteousness, has been exerted through the instrumentality, not of
admirers, but of disciples. Jesus has been a Teacher only because he
has been a Master.
To make Jesus Master in the lives of men was the purpose of the
Gospel of Matthew, and it is the purpose of our study of the book.
The Gospel was not written with merely scientific interest; it was not
written merely to preserve certain gems from the lips of an inspired
teacher. The ultimate purpose of the book was to make men fall at
Jesus' feet with the words, "My Lord and my God." Such a pur-
pose is not inconsistent with the most scrupulous truthfulness.
Adoration of Jesus can be induced best of all, not by fanciful elabora-
tion, but by sober fact. In the case of Jesus, truth was more
glorious by far than the boldest fiction.
To make Jesus Lord and Saviour is the purpose of our work
Sen. T. III. 3. I,j
148 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
as teachers. That purpose cannot be attained by exhortation or
by threatening, but only by impartation of knowledge. To know
Jesus is to trust him and adore him. Many readers of the Gospels
never attain to the true knowledge. Their failure is due to various
causes — to moral laxness, to preconceived opinions, to spiritual
dullness. One obstacle, however, is of a simpler kind. One thing
that stands in the way of a real understanding of the Gospels is the
habit of piecemeal reading. We read the Gospels bit by bit instead
of allowing the whole to make its impression. We do not see the
wood for the trees. Jesus is concealed from us by his individual acts.
The Gospels should be read as well as studied — read rapidly, like an
ordinary book, preferably in some rational form of printing where
verse numbers and all editorial matters are relegated to the margin
and the lines stretch across the page. These things may seem to be
trivialities, and certainly they are not essential. What is essential —
not in place of detailed study, but in addition to it — is a rapid
reading of the Gospels, by which, through the exclusion of all non-
essentials, the mysterious, holy person of Jesus is brought
simply and freshly before the wondering soul. Not to know
about Jesus, but to know him, is the prime object of our
study. To know about him is a valuable part of education; but
to know him is life eternal.
1. MEANING OF "GOSPEL"
The Greek word for "gospel" means "good news." Nowhere in
the New Testament, however, is that word applied to a book.
There is no reference in the New Testament to a "Gospel" of
Matthew or of Mark or of Luke or of John. In the New Testament
the word "gospel" has a more general reference. It designates the
"good news" which lies at the basis of Christian preaching, however
that news may be known. Christianity is based upon "a piece of
information." The subject of that information is the life and death
and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Without Christ we should have
been hopeless, but Christ has saved us. Information about what
he has done for us, however that information be conveyed, is the
gospel.
This broad use of the word "gospel" appears even in the titles
"Gospel according to Matthew," "Gospel according to Mark,"
"Gospel according to Luke," and "Gospel according to John,"
which "are not due to the original authors of the books. "Gospel
according to Matthew" did not originally mean the same thing as
Sen. T. III. 3.
A PRESENTATION OF JESUS 149
"Gospel of Matthew." It did not mean the Gospel which Matthew
produced, but the one Gospel of Jesus Christ as Matthew narrated
it. Matthew, Mark, Luke and John produced simply four accounts
of the same thing. That common subject of the four accounts is
the gospel, the good news, of what Jesus Christ has done for his
followers.
At a very early time, however, books which had the gospel as their
subject came themselves to be designated as "Gospels." The usage
is convenient, and will be freely adopted in these textbooks. We
may speak indiscriminately of the "Gospel according to Matthew"
and of the "Gospel of Matthew."
2. AUTHORSHIP OF THE FIRST GOSPEL
(1) Not Indicated in the Gospel Itself. — The Gospel of Matthew
should be sharply distinguished from those books which them-
selves make definite claims as to their authorship. The Epistle
to the Romans, for example, claims to have been written by the
apostle Paul. If it was not written by Paul, it is a forgery. The
book of The Acts, also, though it does not mention the name of the
author, claims at least — through the use of the first person plural
- — to have been written by some companion of the apostle Paul.
Even the Gospel of John, as we shall see, really affords clear indi-
cations about its own authorship. The Gospel of Matthew, on the
other hand, lays no claim to any particular authorship. We might
believe that it was written by some other person than Matthew and
yet be perfectly loyal to the book itself. The self-witness of the
book is confined merely to a claim of truthfulness. If we believe
that the record which the book contains is true, then we might, in
perfect loyalty to the Gospel, believe that it was written by some
one like Luke or Mark, outside of the company of the apostles.
Such a view, however, would display an unreasonable distrust of
Christian tradition.
(2) Papias on the First Gospel. — The earliest extant informa-
tion about the authorship of the First Gospel is to be found in a
fragment which Eusebius, the church historian of the fourth century,
has preserved from a lost work of Papias. Papias was bishop of
Hierapolis in Asia Minor in the former half of the second century.
The fragment from Papias, which is found in Eusebius, Church
History, iii, 39, 16, may be translated as follows:
"Matthew accordingly wrote [or compiled] the oracles in the
Hebrew dialect, and everyone translated them as he was able."
150 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
It seems pretty evident that Papias is here referring to the First
Gospel. Some, indeed, have supposed that he means by "the
oracles" a writing composed almost exclusively of sayings of Jesus,
which formed merely one of the sources of our First Gospel. This
view is probably incorrect. Papias could designate the Gospel of
Matthew as "the oracles" either because of the large place which
sayings of Jesus have in this Gospel, as compared, for example, with
the Gospel of Mark, or else because the whole Gospel, both speeches
and narrative, was of divine, oracular authority. The view that
"according to Matthew" in the ancient title and in Christian
tradition means not that Matthew wrote the book, but that it is
based in some way ultimately on his authority, is opposed by the
analogy of Mark. As we shall see, the Gospel of Mark, in early
tradition, was referred ultimately to the authority of Peter; if,
therefore, "according to" was used in the sense indicated above,
the Second Gospel would have been called the Gospel "according to
Peter" instead of the Gospel "according to Mark."
The testimony of Papias involves two principal assertions: in the
first place, that Matthew wrote the First Gospel; and in the second
place, that he wrote it in the "Hebrew" language.
The former assertion, which is supported by a striking consensus
of early writers, has already been considered. The latter is much
more puzzling.
3. WAS THE FIRST GOSPEL ORIGINALLY ARAMAIC?
(1) Meaning of "Hebrew." — By "the Hebrew dialect," Papias
no doubt means Aramaic rather than what we call Hebrew. The
term "Hebrew" was applied to both of the two closely related
languages. Compare Acts 21 : 40. It is exceedingly unlikely that
a Gospel would have been written in Hebrew; for before the time of
Christ that had ceased to be the living language of Palestine. What
Papias asserts, then, is that Matthew wrote in Aramaic.
(2) "Everyone Translated Them as He Was Able." — Papias
asserts further that everyone translated the oracles as he was able.
These words may be interpreted in various ways. Perhaps they
mean that every man who used the original of Matthew had to
translate it for himself; or perhaps that the Gospel was translated
orally in the churches, as the Jews translated the Hebrew Old Testa-
ment into Aramaic in the synagogues; or perhaps that a number of
written translations of the Gospel were made. At any rate Papias
seems to imply that the condition which he here describes had come
A PRESENTATION OF JESUS 151
to an end when he wrote. Some one Greek form of the Gospel had
gained general acceptance ; the time when everyone translated as he
was able was at an end.
(3) Value of the Tradition. — The tradition of an Aramaic orig-
inal of Matthew is not preserved merely by Papias, but appears
in a considerable number of early writers. How far the other
writers are independent of Papias is a disputed question. The
tradition may be variously estimated. Some have supposed that
it is entirely correct — that our Greek Gospel of Matthew is a trans-
lation, by Matthew himself or by some one else, of an Aramaic work :
others have supposed that the tradition is altogether false — for
example, that an Aramaic translation of the Greek Gospel was mis-
taken for an original from which the Greek Gospel had been trans-
lated: others hold intermediate views — for example, that one of the
sources of our Greek Gospel was written in Aramaic. An important
objection to the view that there was an Aramaic original of Matthew
is that the Greek Gospel looks more like an original Greek work than
like a translation. The tradition of the Aramaic Matthew places
before us one of the unsolved problems of New Testament criticism.
One thing is certain — the language of the Gospel of Matthew, like
that of the other Gospels, has a strong Aramaic coloring. This,
however, does not require the hypothesis that our Matthew was
translated from an Aramaic original. Undoubtedly, however our
Greek Matthew was written, there was a time in the early days of
the Church when the tradition of the life of Christ was carried on
chiefly or wholly in the Aramaic language. The words of Jesus, at
any rate, as they appear in our Gospels, have at some time or other
undergone translation; for Jesus taught in Aramaic. The Aramaic
coloring of the Gospels is one of the evidences of their trustworthi-
ness. Though written in Greek, they are evidently rooted deep in
the original Palestinian soil.
4. DATE
The date of the Gospel cannot be determined with accuracy.
Some indication, however, is afforded by the assertion of Irenseus,
of the latter part of the second century, that Matthew published his
Gospel while Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome. Even if this
assertion should prove not to be absolutely correct, it would exhibit
an early tradition for the years between about A. D. 60 and 70 as
the date of the Gospel. This tradition is confirmed by the wide-
spread view among early writers that Matthew was written before
Mark; for Mark is now generally admitted to have been written
152 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
before the destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. There is really
no serious objection to the traditional dating of Matthew. It was
probably written in the sixties of the first century, and probably, as
tradition says, in Palestine.
There are traces of the use of the Gospel in writers of the early
half of the second century. On the other hand, there is no clear indi-
cation that it was used by any New Testament writer. The absence
of citations from our Gospels in the epistles of Paul would tend to
indicate that in the very earliest period the gospel tradition was
carried on by word of mouth rather than by books.
5. THE APOSTLE MATTHEW
In the four lists of the apostles, Matt. 10 : 2-4; Mark 3 : 16-19;
Luke 6 : 13-16; Acts 1 : 13, Matthew is designated by the bare
name, except in his own Gospel, where he appears as "Matthew
the publican." In Matt. 9 : 9, his call is narrated. In the
parallel passages in Mark and Luke, Mark 2 : 14; Luke 5 : 27, 28,
the name of the publican who was called is given only as "Levi."
Without the Gospel of Matthew we should not have been able to
identify Levi and Matthew. Evidently the apostle had two names,
as was the case with so many others of the persons mentioned in the
New Testament. After his call, Matthew made a great feast for
Jesus. Luke 5 : 29; compare Mark 2 : 15. Matthew himself,
alone among the Synoptists, does not even make it perfectly clear
that it was he in whose house Jesus sat at meat. The peculiarities
of the First Gospel in what is said about Matthew become significant
when the authorship is known. Of course of themselves they would
be quite insufficient to indicate who the author was. The assertion
by early writers that Matthew wrote the Gospel, was based not upon
indications in the Gospel itself, but upon independent tradition.
6. "THE BOOK OF THE GENERATION OF JESUS CHRIST"
The first verse of the Gospel is evidently based upon the formula,
occurring for the first time at Gen. 5:1, which marks off the
divisions of the book of Genesis. It is most naturally regarded as a
heading for the genealogy that follows in Matt. 1 : 2-17. There is
only one objection to that view. In Genesis "the book of the gener-
ations of Adam," or "the generations of Shem" or the like, introduces
an account, not of ancestors of the persons in question, but of their
descendants. InMatt. 1 : 2-17, on the contrary, we have an account
not of descendants of Jesus, but of ancestors. This objection has led
A PRESENTATION OF JESUS 153
some scholars to regard Matt. 1 : 1 as the title not of the genealogy
but of the whole Gospel. The title would then represent Jesus as
the beginning of a new race, or of a new period in the history of
humanity.
This interpretation is unnecessarily subtle. It should rather be
admitted that there is a difference between the phrase in Genesis and
that in Matthew. The difference is very natural. In the case of
Abraham the descendants were in view; in the case of the Messiah,
the ancestors. Adam and Noah and Abraham were bearers of a
promise; Christ was the culmination. Genesis looks forward;
Matthew looks back. The difference in the use of the phrase is
natural and significant.
The title, with the whole genealogy, is significant of what is to
follow. At the very start, the ruling thought of Matthew's Gospel
finds expression. Jesus is son of David, and son of Abraham; he is
the culmination of the divine promise.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
270-272, 290-293. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (supple-
mented), articles on "Gospel" and "Matthew." M'Clymont, "The New
Testament and Its Writers," pp. 1-20. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony
of the Gospels." Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English
Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, "The Gospel According to St. Matthew,
St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. xli-xliii, 1-186. Zahn, "Introduction to the
New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 367-427, 506-601. The last-named work
is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but
can also be used by others.
LESSON XXVIII
A GRAPHIC SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF JESUS
The Gospel According to Mark
The Gospel of Mark contains scarcely any material which is not
also contained in one or both of the other two Synoptic Gospels.
The loss of Mark would not diminish appreciably the number of
facts that we know about Jesus. Nevertheless, the Second Gospel
is of the utmost importance; for although it narrates for the most
part only the same facts as are also narrated elsewhere, it narrates
them in a different way. Indeed the very brevity of the Gospel adds
to its special value. A picture is sometimes the more impressive by
being limited in extent. Read the Gospel of Mark, not piecemeal
but as a whole, and you obtain an impression of Jesus which can be
obtained from no other book.
1. THE TRADITION
(1) Papias on Mark. — As in the case of Matthew, so in that of
Mark it is Papias of Hierapolis who provides the earliest information
about the production of the Gospel. Again also the words of Papias
are quoted by Eusebius (Church History, iii, 39, 15). The passage
from Papias is as follows:
"This also the presbyter said: 'Mark, on the one hand, being an
interpreter of Peter, wrote accurately as many things as he remem-
bered, yet not in order, the things which were either said or done by
the Lord.' For neither did he hear the Lord nor did he follow him,
but afterwards, as I said, he followed Peter, who carried on his
teaching as need required but not as though he were making an
ordered account of the oracles of the Lord; so that Mark committed
no fault when he wrote some things as he had remembered them.
For he had one care — that he should not leave out anything of the
things that he had heard, or represent anything among them falsely."
(2) Antiquity of the Papian Tradition. — It will be observed
that Papias is here represented as quoting from "the presbyter."
Probably, however, it is only the first sentence that is quoted ; the
rest seems to be an explanation by Papias himself. By " presbyter,"
154
A GRAPHIC SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF JESUS 155
or "elder," Papias means not an officer in the Church, but a man of
an older generation. The tradition is therefore very ancient.
Papias himself lived in the former half of the second century; a man
of a still older generation would probably have acquired his infor-
mation about Mark well before A. D. 100. Such information is not
to be lightly rejected.
(3) Mark an Interpreter of Peter. — According to the presby-
ter, Mark was an "interpreter" of Peter. If the word be taken
strictly it means that Mark translated the words of Peter from one
language into another — probably from Aramaic into Greek. On
the whole, however, it is not probable, in view of linguistic conditions
in Palestine and in the Church, that Peter would be unable to speak
( .reek. Perhaps, then, the sentence means that Markwasmerely the
mediator, in a general sense, of Peter's preaching. He presented the
teaching of Peter to those who had not had the opportunity of
hearing it themselves. Perhaps the meaning is that he had done
so formerly by word of mouth. Perhaps, however, it is rather the
Gospel itself that is referred to. By writing the Gospel Mark be-
came an interpreter or mediator of the preaching of Peter.
At any rate, whatever meaning be given to the word "interpreter,"
the general sense of the sentence — especially when taken in connec-
tion with the following explanation by Papias is fairly clear. Mark
derived the information for his Gospel not from personal acquaint-
ance with the earthly Jesus, but from association with Peter.
(4) Mark Not Written "In Order." — The presbyter said further
that although Mark wrote accurately what he heard from
Peter, he did not succeed in giving "in order" an account of the
things that Jesus did and said. Evidently the historical incom-
pleteness, the lack of uninterrupted sequence, of the Gospel of Mark
is here in view.
But by what standard is the Gospel judged? It can hardly be
by the standard of Matthew, for Matthew pays even less attention to
temporal sequence than Mark does. The order in Luke also is by no
means in all respects more strictly chronological than that in Mark.
Only one standard satisfies the requirements of the presbyter's
words — the standard provided by the teaching of John. John was
the great leader of the Church of Asia Minor. His teaching
naturally formed the standard of authority in that region. Perhaps
at the time when the presbyter expressed his judgment on Mark the
Gospel of John had already been written, so that one Gospel could
be compared with the other; perhaps, however, it was merely the
156 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
oral teaching of John, afterwards embodied in the Gospel, which
afforded the basis of comparison. The Gospel of John alone pro-
vides something like a chronological framework of the public ministry
of Jesus: John alone mentions the early Judean ministry; John alone
narrates the successive visits of Jesus to the feasts in Jerusalem. If,
as is possible, "the presbyter" of Papias was none other than John
himself, then of course the whole matter becomes especially plain.
John knew that there were important omissions in the Gospel of
Mark; he probably observed, for example, that that Gospel if taken
alone might readily create the impression that the ministry of Jesus
lasted only one year instead of three or four. No doubt he
corrected this impression in his oral teaching; certainly he corrects
it in his Gospel. In commending the Gospel of Mark, John
would naturally call attention to its chronological incompleteness.
2. THE HEADING
Like the Gospel of Matthew, the Gospel of Mark opens not with a
sentence, but with a heading. As in the former case, however, the
exact reference of the heading is uncertain. "The beginning of the
gospel of Jesus Christ" may, in the first place, mean merely, "Here
begins the gospel of Jesus Christ." "The gospel of Jesus Christ"
would then be simply the story about Christ that is narrated in the
book that follows.
In the second place, the phrase may be taken as a description of
the contents of the book. The whole of Jesus' life would then be
described as the beginning of that proclamation of the gospel which
was afterwards continued by the apostles and by the Church.
In the third place, the phrase may be merely a heading for the
section that immediately follows, for Mark 1 : 2-8, or for vs. 2-13.
In this case the preaching of John the Baptist, with or without the
baptism of Jesus, the descent of the Spirit, and the temptation,
would be described as the beginning of, as preliminary to, the proc-
lamation of the gospel, which is mentioned in vs. 14, 15.
Perhaps the first interpretation is to be preferred as being the
simplest, though it must be admitted that the phrase is a little
puzzling.
3. MARK THE MISSIONARY GOSPEL
It is significant that the Gospel of Mark begins not with the
birth and infancy of Jesus, but with the ministry of John the
Baptist and the subsequent preaching of Jesus in Galilee. Mark
A GRAPHIC SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF JESUS 157
seems to be following with gr.eat exactness the scheme of early-
apostolic preaching as it is laid down in Acts 10 : 37-43. Ap-
parently Mark is preeminently the missionary Gospel ; it contains
only those things which had a place in the first preaching to un-
believers. That does not mean that the things which Mark omits
are necessarily less important than the things which it contains.
Mark gives a summary, not exactly of the most important things
about Jesus, but rather of the things which unbelievers or recent
converts could most easily understand. Hence the omission of
the mystery of the birth, of the profound teaching of the early
Judean ministry, of the intimate instructions to the disciples.
These things are of fundamental importance. But they can best
be understood only after one has first acquired a thorough grasp
of the public ministry, and of the death and resurrection.
The Second Gospel, judged by purely formal standards, cannot
be called exactly a beautiful book. It lacks the rhythm of Old
Testament poetry, and the grace of the Gospel of Luke. But
its rough, vigorous naturalness conveys a message of compelling
power.
In the Library. — Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves
(edited) article on "Mark." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and
Its Writers," pp. 21-26. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the
Gospels." Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English
Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, "The Gospel according to St. Matthew,
St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. 187-234. "The Cambridge Bible for
Schools": Maclear, "The Gospel according to St. Mark." Zahn,
"Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 427-506, 601-617.
The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some
knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
LESSON XXIX
A GREEK HISTORIAN'S ACCOUNT OF JESUS
The Gospel According to Luke
The purpose of the Gospel of Luke was, the author says in his
prologue, that Theophilus might know the certainty concerning the
things wherein he had been instructed. These words involve
recognition of a fundamental need of the Church, which is to-day
often ignored. After interest in Christianity has been aroused,
after faith has been awakened, the Christian feels the need of a
deeper intellectual grounding of the faith that is in him. This feeling
is perfectly legitimate; it should not be stifled; the expression of it
should not be treated necessarily as sinful doubt.
The treatment of these natural questionings is one of the most
important problems that faces the teachers of the present course.
We are dealing with young men and women of maturing minds,
many of whom can no longer be satisfied with the unthinking faith
of childhood. If Christianity is to remain permanently a force in
their lives it must be related to their entire intellectual equipment;
it must be exhibited as a reasonable thing, which is consistent with
a sane and healthy view of the world. In other words, we are deal-
ing with the problem of religious doubt, which is almost an in-
evitable stage in the development of intelligent Christians of the
present day.
Undoubtedly the problem is often very unwisely handled. By
hearing every natural expression of their doubt unmercifully decried
as rebellion against the Word of God, many intelligent young
people are being driven into hopeless estrangement from the Church.
It is useless to try to bully people into faith. Instead, we ought to
learn the method of the Third Gospel.
Very possibly Luke was facing the very same problem that is be-
fore us teachers to-day — very possibly Theophilus, to whom the
Gospel and The Acts were dedicated, was a young man who had
grown up in the Church and could now no longer be satisfied with
the vague and unsystematic instruction that had been given him
in childhood. At any rate, whether he was a young man grown up
158
A GREEK HISTORIAN'S ACCOUNT OF JESUS 159
in the Church, or a recent convert, or merely a Gentile interested in
Christianity, he was a person of intellectual interests, and those
interests are treated by the evangelist not with contempt but with
the utmost sympathy. The Gospel was written in order that
Theophilus might "know the certainty" of those things wherein he
had been instructed.
That might be regarded as the motto for the entire course of
study which we have undertaken this year. It should be our aim
to lay before young people of the Church the certainty of the things
wherein they have been instructed — to enable them to substitute
for the unreasoning faith of childhood the profound convictions of
full-grown men and women. Moreover, exactly like the author of
the Third Gospel, we are endeavoring to accomplish this aim, not
by argument, but by an orderly presentation of "those matters which
have been fulfilled among us." A simple historical presentation of
the facts upon which Christianity is founded is the surest safeguard
of Christian faith.
1. THE PROLOGUE
Alone among the Synoptists Luke gives his readers some direct
information about the methods of his work. Luke 1 : 1-4; Acts
1 : 1, 2. This information, which was barely touched upon in the
Student's Text Book, must here be considered somewhat more in
detail.
(1) Luke Not an Eyewitness from the Beginning. — From the
prologue to the Gospel, Luke 1 : 1-4, it appears, in the first place,
that Luke was not an eyewitness of the events that he narrates —
at least he was not an eyewitness "from the beginning."
(2) His Predecessors. — In the second place, it appears that he had
had predecessors in his task of writing an account of early Christian
history. Apparently, however, none of these previous works were
produced by an apostle or by an eyewitness of the earthly ministry
of Jesus. The previous writers, like Luke himself, were dependent
upon the testimony of the eyewitnesses. The Gospel of Matthew,
therefore, since it was written by an apostle, was not one of the
works to which reference is made. This conclusion is amply con-
firmed by a comparison of Matthew with Luke. Evidently, at least,
the two are entirely independent. If Luke refers to the First
Gospel in the prologue, at any rate he made no use of it.
(3) Was Mark One of the Predecessors? — The Gospel of Mark, on
the contrary, answers to the description of the previous works. It
was written not by an eyewitness, but by one who listened to eye-
160 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
witnesses. Perhaps, therefore, it was one of the many works to
which Luke refers. If so, it may well have been used by Luke in
the preparation of his own Gospel. This supposition is by no means
excluded by a comparison of the two books. As a matter of fact,
the great majority of modern scholars suppose that the writer of
the Third Gospel made use of the Gospel of Mark. All that can
here be asserted is that this view, though not required by what Luke
says in his prologue, is perfectly consistent with it.
(4) Luke's Attitude Toward the Predecessors. — It should be ob-
served that Luke attaches no blame whatever to the efforts of his fore-
runners. When he says that they had "taken in hand" or "attempted"
to write accounts of certain things, he does not imply in the slightest
that their attempts had been unsuccessful. He means simply to
justify his own procedure by a reference to what had already been
done. "My effort at writing an account of the origin of Chris-
tianity," he says in effect, "is no strange, unheard-of thing. I have
had many predecessors." Such a reference to the work of pred-
ecessors was in antiquity a common literary form. At the very
beginning of his work, Luke displays the effects of his Greek literary
training.
Of course, however, although Luke attaches no blame to his
predecessors, he would not have undertaken a new work if he had
thought that the old satisfied all needs. Evidently he hoped to
accomplish by his own book something that his predecessors had
not accomplished or had accomplished only in part.
(5) The Subject of the Gospel. — Finally, therefore, Luke informs his
readers what his own peculiar methods and purposes were. The
main subject of the Gospel is not described with any definiteness in
Luke 1 : 1-4, but it appears in the retrospect at the beginning of the
second work. There the subject of the Gospel is designated as "all
that Jesus began both to do and to teach, until the day in which he
was received up, after that he had given commandment through the
Holy Spirit unto the apostles whom he had chosen." Acts
1 : 1, 2. The subject of the Gospel, in other words, was the earthly
life of Jesus.
(6) Completeness of the Narrative. — In treating this subject, Luke
had striven, he says, Luke 1 : 3, first of all for completeness. In his
investigations he had followed all things from the beginning. This
feature appears plainly in the Gospel. Instead of beginning as
Mark does, with the public ministry of Jesus, Luke first gives an
account of the birth and infancy, and not content with that, he
A GREEK HISTORIAN'S ACCOUNT OF JESUS l6l
goes back even to events preceding the birth not only of Jesus, but
also of his forerunner.
(7) Accuracy. — In the second place, Luke says that he had striven
after accuracy. Here again the Gospel justifies the claim of its
author. The effort after precision may be seen perhaps especially
in such a passage as Luke 3:1,2, where there is an elaborate dating
of the beginning of John the Baptist's ministry.
(8) Orderly Arrangement. — The effort at orderly arrangement,
which forms a third part of the claim which the author makes, was,
especially in the Gospel, limited by the material that was at hand.
Evidently in Palestine in the early period, the memory of the earthly
ministry of Jesus was preserved not in a connected narrative, but in
isolated anecdotes. It was impossible, therefore, even for a his-
torian like Luke to maintain a chronological arrangement through-
out; where chronological arrangement was impossible he was
obliged to be satisfied with an arrangement according to logical
affinities. This logical method of arrangement, however, is not
resorted to by Luke so much as by Matthew; and for considerable
sections of his narrative he was able to gratify his historian's desire
for recounting events in the order in which they happened.
(9) Luke a Historian. — Detailed examination of the prologue should
not be allowed to obscure the outstanding fact that the sum of what
Luke here attests is a genuine historical aim and method in the com-
position of his work. Of course, history in Luke's mind did not
exist for its own sake. The Gospel of Luke is not a mere scientific
dissertation., On the contrary, the history which is narrated was
to the author a thing of supreme value. But it was valuable only
because it was true. There is not the slightest evidence that Luke
was a bad historian because he was a good Christian. On the
contrary, he was a Christian just because he was a historian. In the
case of Jesus, knowledge of the real facts is the surest way to
adoration.
(10) Is Luke 1 : 1-4 a Prologue to both the Gospel and The Acts? —
The first four verses of the Gospel of Luke may be taken as a
prologue either to the Gospel alone or else to the entire work, in-
cluding both the Gospel and The Acts. The latter view, since the
subject is described in v. 1 only in very broad terms, is not to be
rashly rejected. No doubt, however, in the prologue Luke was
thinking especially of the former part of the work — the part for
which he was dependent altogether upon the testimony of others.
The first verses of The Acts link the two parts close together.
Sen. T. III. 3.
1 62 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
Their connection has been obscured by the traditional arrange-
ment of our New Testament books. But that arrangement is al-
together advisable. The former part of the Lucan work certainly
belongs among the Gospels; and of the Gospels the Gospel of John
must certainly be placed last, as being supplementary to the others.
2. TYPICAL PASSAGES
The characteristics of the Gospel of Luke may perhaps be pre-
sented more vividly than by the general description in the Student's
Text Book, by an examination of a few typical passages. The two
such passages which we shall choose somewhat at random, are the
narrative of the birth and infancy in Luke 1 : 5 to 2 : 52, and the
parable of the Prodigal Son. Ch. 15 : 11-32. Both of these are
without any parallel in the other Gospels. Matthew provides an
infancy narrative, but it is concerned for the most part with events
different from those that appear in Luke.
(1) The Narrative of the Birth and Infancy. — It has often been ob-
served that the characteristic Greek sentence of the prologue, Luke
1 : 1-4, is immediately followed by the most strongly Hebraistic
passage in the New Testament. The Semitic style of Luke 1 : 5
to 2 : 52 becomes explicable only if Luke was here making use of
Palestinian sources, either oral or written. This conclusion is con-
firmed by the whole spirit and substance of the narrative. In this
narrative as clearly as anywhere else in the New Testament we
find ourselves transplanted to Palestinian soil.
The early date of the narrative is as evident as its Jewish Christian
and Palestinian character. There is here no reference to concrete
events in the later history of the Church. Messianic prophecy
appears in its Old Testament form uncolored by the details of the
fulfillment. Evidently this narrative is no product of the Church's
fancy, but genuine history told in the very forms of speech which
were natural to those who participated in it.
The first two chapters of Luke are in spirit really a bit of the Old
Testament continued to the very threshold of the New. These
chapters contain the poetry of the New Testament, which has taken
deep hold of the heart and fancy of the Church.
In this section of his Gospel, Luke shows himself to be a genuine
historian. A biographer is not satisfied with narrating the public
life of his hero, but prefaces to his work some account of the family,
and of the birth and childhood. So our understanding of the
ministry of Jesus becomes far deeper when we know that he grew
A GREEK HISTORIAN'S ACCOUNT OF JESUS 163
up among the simple, devout folk who are described in the first two
chapters of Luke. The picture of Mary in these chapters, painted
with an exquisite delicacy of touch, throws a flood of light upon the
earthly life of the Son of Man.
Beauty of detail, however, must not be allowed to obscure the
central fact. The culmination of the narrative, undoubtedly, is to
be found in the stupendous mystery of Luke 1 : 34, 35. Far from
being an excrescence in the narrative, as it has sometimes been rep-
resented in an age of rampant naturalism, the supernatural concep-
tion of Jesus is the very keystone of the arch. In this central fact,
Matthew and Luke, totally independent as they are, are perfectly
agreed. By this fact Jesus is represented, more clearly perhaps
than by anything else, as not a product of the world but a Saviour
come from without.
(2) The Prodigal Son. — The parable of the Prodigal Son, simple
though it is, has often been sadly misinterpreted. It has been
thought to mean, for example, that God pardons sin on the basis
simply of human repentance without the necessity of the divine
sacrifice. All such interpretations are wide of the mark. The
parable is not meant to teach how God pardons sin, but only the
fact that he does pardon it with joy, and that we ought to share in
his joy.
Misinterpretation of the parable has come from the ignoring of
its occasion. The key to the interpretation is given in Luke 15 : 1,
2.* Jesus was receiving publicans and sinners. Instead of rejoicing
at the salvation of these poor, degraded sons of Abraham, the
Pharisees murmured. In rebuke, Jesus spoke three parables.
One of them, the parable of the Lost Sheep, is reported also by
Matthew, ch. 18 : 12-14; but the last two, the parables of the Lost
Coin and of the Prodigal Son, appear only in Luke.
The teaching of all three of these parables is exactly the same.
The imagery varies, but the application is constant. That ap-
plication may be expressed very simply: "God rejoices at the salva-
tion of a sinner; if, therefore, you are really sons of God, you will
rejoice too." In the parable of the Prodigal Son, however, the
application is forced home more poignantly than in either of the
other two. In that parable alone among the three, the Pharisees
could see — in the elder brother — a direct representation of them-
selves.
The incident of the elder brother, sometimes regarded as a mere
detail, really introduces the main point of the parable. Everything
1 64 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
else leads up to that. The wonderful description of the joy of the
father at the prodigal's home-coming is all intended as a contrast to
the churlish jealousy of the brother. The elder brother was as far
as possible from sharing in the father's joy. That showed that he
was no true son. Though he lived under the father's roof, he had no
real inward share in the father's life. So it was with the Pharisees.
They lived in the Father's house; they were, as we should say,
members of the Church. But when salvation, in the person of
Jesus, had at last come to the poor, sinful outcasts of the people,
the Pharisees drew aside. God rejoiced when the publicans crowded
in to Jesus; but the Pharisees held back. That showed that after
all they were not, as they thought, true sons of God. If they had
been, they would have shared God's feeling.
It should be noticed that the parable ends with an invitation.
The elder brother is not harshly rebuked by the father, but tenderly
urged to come in still. Will the invitation be accepted? The
question is not answered; and there lies the crowning beauty of the
parable. The Pharisees are still given a chance. Will they still
share the joy of God at the return of his lost children? They must
answer the question for themselves.
And we, too, have the same question to answer. If we are really
children of God, then we shall not despise the outcasts and the
sinners, but shall rejoice with him at their salvation. The parable
is characteristic of the Gospel of Luke. Of course, Luke did not
compose it. Nothing in the Gospels bears more indisputably the
marks of Jesus' teaching. But from the rich store of Palestinian
tradition Luke sought out those things which displayed sympathy
for the downtrodden and the sick and the sinful. It was an
inestimable service to the Church. Shall we heed the message?
God rejoices at the salvation of a sinner. Shall we be sharers in
his holy joy?
In The Library. — Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves
(edited), article on "Luke." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and
Its Writers," pp. 27-32. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the
Gospels." Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English
Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, "The Gospel According to St. Matthew,
St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. 235-365. Zahn, "Introduction to the
New Testament," vol. iii, pp. 1-173. The last-named work is intended
primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also
be used by others.
LESSON XXX
THE TESTIMONY OF THE BELOVED DISCIPLE
The Gospel According to John
1. THE EVANGELIST A WITNESS
The author of the Fourth Gospel was a great man. He was great,
however, not as a philosopher or as a religious genius, but as an
apostle ; not as the originator of great ideas, but as one who received
the teaching of another. He was great, not as one who created a
profound theology, but as one who could understand the Lord
Jesus Christ. The "Johannine theology" is the theology not of
John but of Jesus. So at least John himself represents it. He
claims to be not a theologian, but a witness. The value of his book
depends upon the truth of his witnessing. If the Johannine picture
of Christ is the creation of the author's genius, it commands admira-
tion; but only if it is a true picture of the historic Jesus can it offer
eternal life.
Is the Jesus of the Fourth Gospel fiction or fact, a splendid
product of religious genius or a living Saviour?
Few questions have caused profounder agitation in the modern
Church. The question cannot be separated from the question of
authorship. Clearly if the book was written by an intimate friend
of Jesus, its witness must be true. Who wrote the Fourth Gospel?
This question is of vital importance.
2. THE TRADITION
At the close of the second century — the earliest period from which
any really abundant Christian literature outside of the New Testa-
ment has been preserved — the tradition about the authorship of
the Gospel was practically unanimous. Even the one small and
uninfluential sect that disagreed practically supports the common
view, for its denial was evidently based upon objections to the con-
tents of the Gospel and not at all upon any independent information.
(1) Irenaeus and Polycarp. — Of the three important writers of the
close of the second century, all of whom attest the Johannine
authorship of the Gospel, Irenaeus deserves special mention.
Irenaeus spent his early life in Asia Minor, but afterwards became
I65
1 66 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
the leader of the Church in Gaul. Before he left Asia Minor he had
some very interesting associations. One of them was with Polycarp,
bishop of Smyrna, who was martyred in A. D. 155. Polycarp
would be an important figure merely on account of the early period
in which he lived; but what makes his testimony supremely valuable
is his personal association with John. Irenaeus himself in his early
youth, before he had left Asia Minor, had heard Polycarp discoursing
about the things he had heard John say. Polycarp, then, was a
personal disciple of John, and Irenaeus was a personal disciple of
Polycarp. Only one link, therefore, separated Irenaeus from John.
Moreover, since Irenaeus in his youth had lived in Asia Minor, the
very place of John's residence, it is natural to believe that what he
heard Polycarp say about John could be supplemented in other ways.
Now beyond any reasonable doubt whatever, Irenaeus supposed
that the John of whom he had heard Polycarp speak was none other
than John the apostle, the son of Zebedee. If that supposition was
correct, then the connection between Irenaeus and the apostle John
was exceedingly close; and when Irenaeus exhibits an absolutely un-
wavering belief that the Fourth Gospel was written by the apostle,
it is very unlikely that he was mistaken. He had known one of the
personal disciples of John; he himself had lived in Asia Minor where
John had been the well-known leader of the Church, and where the
Fourth Gospel, no matter who wrote it, was almost certainly pro-
duced. When, therefore, he asserts, not as something new, but
as a thing which he had known from the beginning, that the Fourth
Gospel was written by the apostle John, surely he must be believed.
This conclusion has been avoided by the hypothesis that the John
about whom Polycarp spoke was not really, as Irenaeus supposed,
John the son of Zebedee, but another John, a certain John the
presbyter, who was not one of the twelve apostles at all. The un-
naturalness of such an hypothesis appears on the surface. Could
a native of Asia Minor who had repeatedly heard Polycarp speak-
about the John in question, and who had many other opportunities
for acquainting himself with the traditions of the church in Asia
Minor — could such a man, together with all his contemporaries,
have come to labor under so egregious a misapprehension?
(2) Other Attestation. — The testimony of Irenaeus to the Fourth
Gospel is of particular importance, on account of Irenaeus' connec-
tion with Polycarp. But it is only one detail in a remarkable
consensus. When the most widely separated portions of the
Church before the close of the second century all agreed that the
THE TESTIMONY OF THE BELOVED DISCIPLE 167
Fourth Gospel was written by John the son of Zebedee, their com-
mon belief could not have been of recent origin. Earlier writers,
moreover, by their use of the Gospel attest at least its early date.
3. THE TESTIMONY OF THE GOSPEL ITSELF
The tradition which attributes the Fourth Gospel to John the son
of Zebedee is confirmed by the testimony of the Gospel itself. Al-
though the book does not mention the name of its author it clearly
implies who he was.
(1) Indirectness of the Testimony. — This testimony of the Gospel
itself is all the more valuable because it is indirect. If the name
John had been mentioned at the beginning, then it might con-
ceivably be supposed that an unknown author had desired to gain
a hearing for his work by putting it falsely under the name of a great
apostle. As it is, the inference that the author claims to be John
the son of Zebedee, though certain, does not force itself upon the
careless reader. A forger would not thus, by the indirectness of
his claim, have deprived himself of the benefits of his forgery.
The testimony of the Gospel to its author must now be considered.
(2) The Author an Eyewitness. — In the first place, almost at the
very beginning, we observe that the author claims to be an eye-
witness of the life of Jesus. "We beheld his glory," he says in John
1 : 14. By beholding the glory of Christ he evidently does not mean
merely that experience of Christ's power which is possessed by every
Christian. On the contrary, the glory of Christ, as it is intended by
the evangelist, is fully explained by such passages as ch. 2 : 11.
The miracles of Jesus — palpable, visible events in the external
world — are clearly included in what is meant. It will be observed
that in ch. 1 : 14 it is very specifically the incarnate Christ that is
spoken of. The evangelist is describing the condition of things
after "the Word became flesh." Evidently, therefore, it was the
earthly life of Jesus which the evangelist claims to have "beheld."
This conclusion is confirmed by I John 1 : 1-4. Scarcely anyone
doubts that the First Epistle of John was written by the man who
wrote the Gospel. When, therefore, the author of the epistle speaks of
"that which we have heard, that which we have seen with our eyes,
that which we beheld, and our hands handled, concerning the Word
of life," evidently these words have significance for the Gospel also.
The author fairly heaps up expressions to show, beyond all possi-
bility of misunderstanding, that he had come into actual physical
contact with the earthly Jesus.
1 68 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
(3) The Unnamed Disciple of John 1 : 35-42. — The author of the
Fourth Gospel, then, clearly claims to be an eyewitness of the
earthly life of Christ. Further indications identify him with a
particular one among the eyewitnesses. In John 1 : 35-42, an un-
named disciple of Jesus is mentioned. "One of the two," it is said
in v. 40, "that heard John speak, and followed him, was Andrew,
Simon Peter's brother." Who was the other? There is some reason
for thinking that he was one of the two sons of Zebedee. But the
matter will become clearer as we proceed.
Another question is why this disciple is not mentioned by name.
The Fourth Gospel is not chary of names. Why, then, is the disciple
who appears so prominently along with Andrew and Simon not
mentioned by name? Only one plausible explanation suggests
itself — the explanation that the unnamed disciple was the author of
the Gospel, who, through a feeling common in the literature of
antiquity, as well as of our own time, did not like to mention his own
name in the course of his narrative. We have already observed that
the author claims to be an eyewitness of the life of Christ. John
1 : 14. When, therefore, near the beginning of the narrative a
disciple of Jesus is introduced, rather mysteriously, without a name,
when, furthermore, events in which this disciple was immediately
concerned are narrated with unusual vividness and wealth of
detail, vs. 35-42, the conclusion becomes very natural that this
unnamed disciple is none other than the author himself.
(4) The Beloved Disciple. — This conclusion, it must be admitted,
so far as this first passage is concerned, is nothing more than a likely
guess. But by other passages it is rendered almost certain.
In John 13 : 21-25, a disciple is mentioned as leaning on Jesus'
breast and as being one whom Jesus loved. This disciple is not
named. But who was he? Evidently he was one of the twelve
apostles, for only the apostles were present at the Supper which is
described in chs. 13 to 17. The disciple "whom Jesus loved,"
however, was not only among the Twelve ; he was evidently among
the innermost circle of the Twelve. Such an innermost circle
appears clearly in the Synoptic Gospels. It was composed of Peter
and James and John. The beloved disciple was probably one of
these three; and since he is clearly distinguished from Peter, ch.
13 : 24, he was either James or John.
The introduction of an unnamed disciple, which seemed significant
even in John 1 : 35-42, becomes yet far more significant in the
present passage. In the account of the Last Supper, a considerable
THE TESTIMONY OF THE BELOVED DISCIPLE 169
number of the disciples are named — Peter, Judas Iscariot, Thomas,
Philip, Judas not Iscariot — yet the disciple who is introduced with
especial emphasis, whose very position at table is described with a
wealth of detail far greater than is displayed in the case of any of the
others, is designated merely as "one of his disciples, whom Jesus
loved." The strange omission of this disciple's name can be ex-
plained only if he was the author of the book. Clearly the painter
has here introduced a modest portrait of himself in the midst of his
great picture.
Passing by John 18 : 15, 16, where "the other disciple" is probably
the author, and ch. 19 : 26, 27, where the repetition of the strange
designation, "the disciple . . . whom he [Jesus] loved," confirms the
impressions derived from ch. 13 : 21-25, we discover another important
indication in ch. 19:35. "And he that hath seen hath borne witness,
and his witness is true: and he knoweth that he saith true, that ye
also may believe." "He that hath seen" can scarcely refer to anyone
other than the beloved disciple who was mentioned just before as
standing by the cross. In the present verse, this beloved disciple
is represented as the one who is now speaking. The identification of
the beloved disciple with the author of the Gospel, which was implied
before, here becomes explicit.
In John 20 : 1-10, "the other disciple whom Jesus loved" is of
course the same as the one who appears in ch. 13:21-25; 19:26, 27,35.
(5) Testimony of the Appendix. — In John 21 : 7, 20-23, the be-
loved disciple appears again, and in v. 24 he is identified, in so many
words, with the writer of the Gospel. In this verse the first person
plural is used ; other persons seem to be associated with the author in
commending the Gospel to the attention of the Church. This
phenomenon is explained if the twenty-first chapter be regarded as
a sort of appendix, perhaps added at the request of a circle of
friends. It will be observed that ch. 20 : 30, 31 forms a fit ending
to the book; what follows therefore appears the more like an ap-
pendix, though it was certainly written by the author's own hand
and published before his death along with the rest of the book.
(6) Why Are John and James Not Mentioned by Name? — The con-
clusion of our investigation is that the author of the Fourth Gospel
indicates clearly that he was either one or the other of the two sons
of Zebedee. This conclusion is confirmed by the curious circum-
stance that neither one of these men is mentioned in the Gospel by
name. How did they come to be omitted? They were in the very
innermost circle of Jesus' disciples; many apostles far less prominent
170 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
than they are named frequently on the pages of the Gospel. There
can be only one solution of the problem: one at least of these men
is, as a matter of fact, introduced in the Gospel as the beloved dis-
ciple, and the reason why he is introduced in such a curiously
anonymous way and why his brother also is not named, is that the
author felt a natural delicacy about introducing his own and his
brother's name into a narrative of the Lord's life.
One statement that has just been made requires qualification: it
is not quite true that the sons of Zebedee are not designated by name
in the Gospel. They are not indeed called by their individual
names, but in ch. 21 : 2, they are designated by the name of their
father. Possibly this slight difference of usage between chapter 21
and the rest of the Gospel has something to do with the fact that
chapter 21 seems to be an appendix.
(7) The Author Was Not James, but John. — The author of the
Fourth Gospel, then, identifies himself with one or the other of the
sons of Zebedee. As to which one of the two is meant there cannot
be the slightest doubt. James the son of Zebedee was martyred in
A. D. 44. Acts 12 : 2. There is abundant evidence that the Fourth
Gospel was not written so early as that; and John 21 : 20-23 ap-
parently implies that the author lived to a considerable age. Evi-
dently, therefore, it is John and not James with whom the author
identifies himself.
(8) Is the Gospel's Own Testimony True? — Thus the singularly
strong tradition which attributes the Fourth Gospel to John the son
of Zebedee is supported by the independent testimony of the book
itself. Conceivably, of course, that testimony might be false. But
it is very hard to believe that it is. It is very hard to believe that
the author of this wonderful book, who despite all the profundity of
his ideas exalts in a very special manner the importance of simple
testimony based upon the senses, John 19 : 35; I John 1 : 1-4, has
in a manner far subtler and more heinous than if he had simply put
a false name at the beginning palmed himself off as an eyewitness of
the Saviour's life. Many learned men have found it possible to
accept such a view; but the simple reader of the Gospel will always
be inclined to dissent. The author of this book has narrated many
things hard to be believed. But there are still found those who
accept his solemn testimony; there are still found those in whom the
purpose of the book is achieved, who through this Gospel believe
that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and believing have life in
his name. John 20 : 31.
THE TESTIMONY OF THE BELOVED DISCIPLE 171
4. TRADITIONAL TIME AND PLACE AND PLAN
The tradition about the Fourth Gospel is not confined to the bare
fact of Johannine authorship; it has preserved certain other very
interesting information.
(1) The Ephesian Residence. — For example, tradition represents
the Fourth Gospel as written after the other three Gospels and at
Ephesus. The evidence for the Ephesian residence of the apostle
John is singularly abundant and weighty; and the contrary evidence
which has been thought to attest an early death of John is exceed-
ingly weak. At first, John, like the others of the original apostles,
remained in Palestine. He appears in Jerusalem a little before
A. D. 50 at the Apostolic Council. Gal. 2:9. At some subsequent
time, perhaps at the outbreak of the Jewish war in A. D. 66, he
journeyed to Asia Minor and there for many years was the revered
head of the Church. He lived indeed until the reign of Trajan,
which began in A. D. 98.
(2) The Gospel of John Supplementary to the Synoptic Gospels. —
According to tradition, the Gospel of John was not only written after
the Synoptic Gospels, but was intended to be supplementary to
them. This information is amply confirmed by the Gospel itself.
Evidently John presupposes on the part of his readers a knowledge
of the Synoptic account. This explains his peculiar choice of material
— for example, his omission of most of the Galilean ministry, and of
such events as the baptism and the institution of the Lord's Supper.
It explains also, for example, a verse like John 3 : 24: "For John was
not yet cast into prison." The Synoptic Gospels begin their account
of the ministry of Jesus with what happened after the imprisonment
of John the Baptist. Mark 1 : 14. Readers of Mark might even
receive the impression that Jesus had not begun his teaching till
after that time. John corrects any such impression in ch. 3 : 24.
If, then, the Gospel of John is intended not to compete with the
Synoptic Gospels, but to supplement them, in what direction does
the supplementing move? What is it that John adds to what had
already been told? Here, again, tradition affords us useful hints.
Eusebius, in the early part of the fourth century, writes as follows
(Church History, iii, 24, 7-13, translated by McGiffert, in "Nicene
and Post-Nicene Fathers," second series, vol. i, p. 153):
"And when Mark and Luke had already published their Gospels,
they say that John, who had employed all his time in proclaiming
the Gospel orally, finally proceeded to write for the following reason.
The three Gospels already mentioned [Matthew, Mark and Luke]
173 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
having come into the hands of all and into his own too, they say
that he accepted them and bore witness to their truthfulness; but
that there was lacking in them an account of the deeds done by
Christ at the beginning of his ministry. And this indeed is true.
For it is evident that the three evangelists recorded only the deeds
done by the Saviour for one year after the imprisonment of John
the Baptist, and indicated this in the beginning of their account.
For Matthew, after the forty days' fast and the temptation which
followed it, indicates the chronology of his work when he says:
'Now when he heard that John was delivered up he withdrew from
Judea into Galilee.' Mark likewise says: 'Now after that John was
delivered up Jesus came into Galilee.' And Luke, before com-
mencing his account of the deeds of Jesus, similarly marks the time,
when he says that Herod, 'adding to all the evil deeds which he had
done, shut up John in prison.' They say, therefore, that the apostle
John, being asked to do it for this reason, gave in his Gospel an
account of the period which had been omitted by the earlier
evangelists, and of the deeds done by the Saviour during that period ;
that is, of those which were done before the imprisonment of the
Baptist. And this is indicated by him, they say, in the following
words: 'This beginning of miracles did Jesus'; and again when he
refers to the Baptist, in the midst of the deeds of Jesus, as still
baptizing in .'Enon near Salim; where he states the matter clearly
in the words: 'For John was not yet cast into prison.' John ac-
cordingly, in his Gospel, records the deeds of Christ which were
performed before the Baptist was cast into prison, but the other
three evangelists mention the events which happened after that
time. One who understands this can no longer think that the
Gospels are at variance with one another, inasmuch as the Gospel
according to John contains the first acts of Christ, while the others
give an account of the latter part of his life. And the genealogy of
our Saviour according to the flesh John quite naturally omitted,
because it had been already given by Matthew and Luke, and began
with the doctrine of his divinity, which had, as it were, been re-
served for him, as their superior, by the divine Spirit."
According to Eusebius, then, John intended to treat the time
before the imprisonment of the Baptist as the Synoptists treated
the time after that event. We have already noted the element of
truth in this observation. Of course it is not the only observation
that needs to be made. Much of what John narrates occurred after
the imprisonment of the Baptist.
THE TESTLVIONY OF THE BELOVED DISCIPLE 1 73
According to Clement of Alexandria, of the close of the second
century, who here reports what had been said by his predecessors in
Alexandria, John, seeing that "bodily" matters had been treated by
the Synoptists, supplemented their work by writing a "spiritual"
Gospel. In this testimony also there is no doubt an element of
truth. It is true that the Fourth Gospel reproduces certain pro-
found elements in the teaching of Jesus which in the earlier Gospels
appear only incidentally.
The oral tradition which forms the chief basis of the Synoptic
Gospels was rooted deep in the earliest missionary activity of the
Church. Especially, perhaps, in the Gospel of Mark, but also in
Matthew and Luke, we have for the most part those facts about
Jesus and those elements of his teaching which could appeal at once
to simple-minded believers or to outsiders. The Gospel of John, on
the other hand, drawing, like the others, from the rich store of Jesus'
teaching and Jesus' person, has revealed yet deeper mysteries. In
this profound book, we have the recollections of a beloved disciple,
at first understood only imperfectly by the apostle himself, but
rendered ever clearer by advancing experience, and firmly fixed by
being often repeated in the author's oral instruction of the Church.
In The Library. — Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible," article on
"John" (7): Purves, article on "John, Gospel according to St." M'Cly-
mont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 33-40. Stevens and
Burton, "A Harmony of the Gospels." Westcott, "The Gospel accord-
ing to St. John: The Authorized Version with Introduction and Notes."
"The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Plummer, "The Gospel According
to St. John." Browning, "A Death in the Desert" (vol. iv, pp. 191-
206 of the Riverside Edition). Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testa-
ment," vol. iii, pp. 174-355. The last-named work is intended primarily
for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by
others.
LESSON XXXI
THE JESUS OF THE GOSPELS
It is possible to speak of "the Jesus of the Gospels" only if the
Gospels are in essential agreement. If the features of the four
portraits are so different that they never could have been united
really in the same person, then there is no such thing as a Jesus of
the Gospels, but only a Jesus of Matthew and a Jesus of Mark and
a Jesus of Luke and a Jesus of John.
1. AGREEMENT AMONG THE SYNOPTISTS
Among the Synoptic Gospels, at any rate, no such difference
exists. Though every one of these Gospels possesses its own
characteristics, the peculiarities are almost negligible in comparison
with the underlying unity. There is certainly such a thing as "the
Synoptic Jesus." His words and deeds are narrated in each of the
Gospels in a different selection and in a different style, but the
characteristic features are everywhere the same.
2. THE SYNOPTISTS AND JOHN
With regard to the Fourth Gospel, the matter is not quite so plain.
The contrast between the Synoptists and John has already been
noticed. It forces itself upon even the most casual reader. Differ-
ence, however, is not necessarily contradiction. It may be due to
a difference in the point of view. Both the Synoptists and John
give a true picture of Jesus; the same features appear very different
when viewed from different angles.
3. DIVINITY AND HUMANITY
At any rate, if there is a contradiction between the first three
Gospels and the Gospel of John, the contradiction is by no means
easy to formulate. It cannot be said, for example, simply that the
Synoptists present a human Jesus and John a divine Jesus. What-
ever the differences among the four Gospels, all four agree at least
in two essential features. All four present Jesus, in the first place
as a man, and in the second place as something more than a man.
174
THE JESUS OF THE GOSPELS 175
(1) Humanity in the Synoptists. — The former feature is perhaps
especially clear in the Synoptists. According to the first three
Gospels, Jesus led a genuine human life from birth to death. As a
child he grew not only in stature, but also in wisdom. He was
subject to human parents and to the requirements of the Jewish law.
Even after the inauguration of his ministry the human conditions of
his life were not superseded. He was even tempted like other men.
He grew weary and slept. He suffered hunger and thirst. He
could rejoice and he could suffer sorrow. He prayed, like other men,
and worshiped God. He needed strengthening both for body and
for mind. No mere semblance of a human life is here presented,
but a genuine man of flesh and blood.
(2) Humanity in John. — But if the Jesus of the Synoptists is a true
man, how is it with the Jesus of John? Does the Fourth Gospel
present merely a heavenly being who walked through the world un-
touched and unruffled by the sin and misery and weakness that sur-
rounded him? Only a very superficial reading can produce such an
impression. The Fourth Gospel indeed lays a supreme emphasis
upon the majesty of Jesus, upon his "glory" as it was manifested in
works of power and attested by God himself. But side by side with
these features of the narrative, as though to prevent a possible mis-
understanding, the author presents the humanity of Jesus with
drastic touches that can scarcely be paralleled in the Synoptists
themselves. It is John who speaks of the weariness of Jesus at the
well of Samaria, ch. 4:6; of the human affection which he felt for
Lazarus and Martha and Mary, ch. 11 : 3, 5, 36, and for an individ-
ual among the disciples, ch. 13 : 23; of his weeping, ch. 11 : 35; and
indignant groaning, v. 38; and of his deadly thirst. Ch. 19 : 28. As
clearly as the other evangelists John presents Jesus as a man.
(3) Divinity in John. — In the second place, all four Gospels, if they
present Jesus as a man, also present him as something far more than
a man. With regard to the Gospel of John, of course the matter is
unmistakable. The very first verse reads: "In the beginning was
the Word, and the Wrord was with God, and the Word was God."
Jesus according to John was plainly no product of the world, but
God come in the flesh. John 1 : 14. The teaching of Jesus himself,
as it is reported in the Fourth Gospel, is concerned with the relation
of perfect unity that exists between the Father and the Son.
(4) Divinity in the Synoptists. — In the Synoptists the supernatural
character of Jesus is somewhat less on the surface. His teaching, as
the Synoptists report it, is largely concerned not directly with his
176 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
own person, but with the kingdom that he came to found. Even
his Messiahship is often kept in the background; the demons are
often commanded not to reveal it.
A closer examination, however, reveals the essential unity be-
tween the Synoptists and John. If the supernatural character of
Jesus appears in the Synoptists less plainly on the surface, it is
really no less pervasive at the center. It does not so often form the
subject of direct exposition, but it is everywhere presupposed. The
doing by Jesus of what only God can do, Mark 2:5,7; the sovereign
way in which he legislates for the kingdom of God, Matt. 5 : 17-48 ; his
unearthly holiness and complete lack of any consciousness of sin ; the
boundlessness of his demand for obedience, Luke 9 : 57-62; his ex-
pected freedom from limitations of time and place, Matt. 28 : 20;
the absolutely central place which he claims for himself as ruler and
judge; the substantiation of all his lofty claims by wonderful power
over the forces of nature — these are only indications chosen almost
at random of what is really plain upon every page of the Synoptic
Gospels, that the Jesus who is there described is no mere human
figure but a divine Saviour of the world. The invitation of Matt.
11 : 28-30, which is typical of the Synoptic teaching, would have been
absurd on the lips of anyone but the Son of God.
Moreover, the divine nature of Jesus is not merely implied in the
Synoptic Gospels; there are times when it even becomes explicit.
The relation of perfect mutual knowledge that exists between Jesus
and the Father, Matt. 11 : 27, reveals a perfect unity of nature.
The Jesus of the Synoptists, as well as the Jesus of John, might say,
"I and the Father are one."
4. THE MANNER OF JESUS' TEACHING
The Synoptic Gospels, therefore, imply everywhere exactly the
same Jesus who is more expressly presented in the Gospel of John.
If, then, there is a contradiction between the Synoptists and John,
it can be concerned only with the manner of Jesus' teaching. The
Synoptists as well as John present Jesus as a supernatural person, it
is said, but unlike John they represent him as keeping his own person
in the background.
Even here, however, maturer consideration shows that the
difference does not amount to anything like contradiction. May
not the same person have spoken the discourses of the Fourth Gospel
and also those of the Synoptists? It must be remembered that the
ministry of Jesus was varied, and that the first three evangelists
THE JESUS OF THE GOSPELS 1 77
confine themselves almost exclusively to one phase of it. In the
public Galilean ministry, which the Synoptists describe, it was
necessary for Jesus to keep even his Messiahship for a time in the
background. Publication of it, owing to the false political concep-
tion which the Jews had of the Messiah's work, would have been
fatal to Jesus' plan. Here, as so often, the Fourth Gospel explains
the other three. After the feeding of the five thousand, John tells us,
the crowd wanted to take Jesus by force and make him a king.
John 6 : 15. Popularity was dangerous. Jesus could not proclaim
himself publicly as the Messiah, until by explaining the spiritual
nature of the kingdom he had prepared the people for the kind of
Messiah which it was his mission to be.
Of course, it is difficult for us to understand at every point just
why Jesus acted as he did. All that we are now maintaining is that
the considerations just adduced, and others like them, show that it
is perfectly conceivable that Jesus, before his intimate disciples and
in Jerusalem and at a special crisis, John, ch. 6, adopted a method of
teaching which in the greater part of the Galilean ministry he con-
sidered out of place. There is room in a true narrative of Jesus' life
both for the Synoptists and for John.
5. THE COMPREHENSIVENESS OF JESUS
Jesus was many-sided. He was Lawgiver, he was Teacher, he
was Healer, he was Ruler, he was Saviour. He was man and he was
God. The Gospels have presented him in the richness of his mys-
terious person. Modern historians are less comprehensive. They
have been offended at the manifoldness of the Gospel picture. They
have endeavored to reduce Jesus to the level of what they can com-
prehend. But their effort has been a failure. After the supposed
contradictions have been removed, greater contradictions remain;
and the resulting figure is at any rate too small to account for the
origin of Christianity. The partial Jesus of modern criticism,
despite his comparative littleness, is a monstrosity; the comprehen-
sive Jesus of the Gospels, though mysterious, is a self-evidencing and
life-giving fact.
In the Library. — Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves,
article on "Jesus Christ." Warfield, "The Lord of Glory," pp. 125-173.
Robertson, "Epochs in the Life of Jesus." Stalker, "The Life of Jesus
Christ." Denney, "Jesus and the Gospel." Andrews, "The Life of
Our Lord."
Sea. T. m. 3.
LESSON XXXII
A DOCUMENT OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH
The Epistle of James
1. THE CHRISTIANITY OF JAMES
The Epistle of James has been called the least Christian book in
the New Testament. Superficially this judgment is true. The
name of Jesus occurs only twice in the epistle, James 1 : 1 ; 2 : 1, and
there is no specific reference to his life and death and resurrection.
A close examination, however, reverses the first impression.
(1) James and the Synoptic Discourses. — In the first place, the
ethical teaching of James is permeated by the spirit of Jesus. Even the
form of the epistle displays a marked affinity for the discourses of the
Synoptic Gospels, and the affinity in content is even more apparent.
Many striking parallels could be cited; but what is more convincing
than such details is the indefinable spirit of the whole. The way in
which James treats the covetousness, the pride, the heartlessness,
the formalism, the pettiness and the meanness of his readers, is
strikingly similar to the way in which his Master dealt with the
Pharisees. James does not indeed actually cite the words of Jesus;
but the absence of citations makes the underlying similarity all the
more significant. The writer of this epistle did not live at a time
when the knowledge of the words of Jesus was derived from books;
rather he had himself listened to the Master — even though he was
not at first a disciple — and was living in a community where the
impression of Jesus' teaching and Jesus' person was still fresh in the
memory of those who had known him on earth.
(2) James and Christian Doctrine. — In the second place, moreover,
the Christianity of James is religious as well as ethical. Of course
it could not be like the teaching of Jesus if it were merely ethical ; for
everything that Jesus taught even about the simplest matters of
human conduct was determined by the thought of the heavenly
Father and by the significance of his own person. But by the
religious character of the Epistle of James even more than this is
meant. Like all the writers of the New Testament James was well
aware of the saving significance of Jesus' death and resurrection.
For him as well as for the others, Jesus was Lord, ch. 1:1, and a
Lord who was possessed of a heavenly glory. Ch. 2:1. James, as
178
A DOCUMENT OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH 1 79
well as the others, was waiting for the second coming of Christ.
Ch. 5:8. He does not directly refer to the saving events that form
the substance of Christian faith; but he takes them everywhere for
granted. The word of truth through which the disciples have been
formed by God, ch. 1 : 18, the implanted word, v. 21, that needs
ever to be received anew, can hardly be anything else than the
apostolic gospel as it was proclaimed in the earliest speeches of
Peter which are recorded in The Acts, and as it found its rich un-
folding in the teaching of Paul. Just because that gospel in our
epistle is presupposed, it does not need to be expounded in detail.
The men to whom James was writing were not lacking in orthodoxy.
If they had been, he would have set them right, and we should have
had another exposition of the gospel. As a matter of fact their fault was
in practice, not in theory ; and it is in the sphere of practice that they
are met by James. The epistle would be insufficient if it stood alone.
It does not lay the foundation of Christian faith. But it shows how,
upon that foundation, may be built not the wood, hay and stubble
of a wordy orthodoxy, but the gold and silver and precious stones of
an honest Christian life.
This epistle, then, might be misleading if taken by itself ; but it be-
comes salutary if it is understood in its historical connections. Far
from disparaging Christian doctrine — as the modern Church is
tempted to suppose — it builds upon doctrine. In that it agrees
with the whole of the Bible. Christianity, as has been finely said,
is a life only because it is a doctrine. Only the great saving events
of the gospel have rendered possible a life like that which is described
in the Epistle of James. And where the gospel is really accepted with
heart as well as mind, that life of love will always follow.
2. DATE AND AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE
The view which will be held about the date of the Epistle of James
will depend very largely upon the interpretation of the passage about
faith and works. James 2 : 14-26. In that passage, some of the
same terms appear as are prominent in connection with the great
Judaistic controversy in which Paul was engaged from the time of
the Apostolic Council to the time of the third missionary journey.
Three views have been held with regard to the date of the Epistle
of James. The epistle may be regarded as written (1) before the
Judaistic controversy arose, (2) during that controversy or while it
was still fresh in men's minds, or (3) long after the controversy had
been settled.
180 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
(1) The Intermediate Date. — The second of these three views may
be eliminated first. This intermediate view has the advantage of
placing the epistle within the lifetime of James. It can treat the
epistle as authentic. It has furthermore the advantage of explaining
the coincidences between James 2 : 14-26 and Rom., ch. 4. For if
the epistle was written at the very close of the lifetime of James —
say about A. D. 62, or, following Hegesippus, A. D. 66 — the author
may have become acquainted with the Epistle to the Romans.
But the difficulties of this view far overbalance the advantages.
If James was writing with Galatians and Romans before him, then
apparently in ch. 2 : 24 he intends to contradict those epistles. As
a matter of fact, however, as is shown in the Student's Text Book, he
does not really contradict them, but is in perfect harmony with
them. He has therefore gone out of his way in order to introduce a
formal contradiction of the great apostle to the Gentiles although
there is no real contradiction of meaning at all! What could he
possibly gain by such useless trouble-making? If James really
wanted to combat Paul's doctrine of justification by faith, he would
have done so very differently; and if he did not want to combat it,
he would certainly not have uselessly created the appearance of
doing so.
Perhaps, however, James 2 : 14-26 is a refutation not of Paul but
of a misunderstanding of Paul. This also is very improbable. If
the passage was a refutation not of Paul but of a misunderstanding
of Paul, why did James not say so? Why did he not distinguish
Paul clearly from his misinterpreters? Instead he has indulged use-
lessly in a formal contradiction of Paul, and has in refutation of a
misunderstanding of Paul not even used the abundant materials
which Paul himself could offer! And where was such a misunder-
standing of Paul possible in Jewish Christian circles of A. D. 62?
What makes every form of this intermediate dating impossible is
the total absence from the epistle of any reference to the question of
the conditions upon which Gentiles were to be received into the
Church. In A. D. 62 this question had recently been the subject of
bitter controversy. At that time no one could have touched upon
the closely related topic of faith and works as James does and yet
have ignored so completely the controversial question.
Evidently, therefore, the epistle was written either before the
Judaistic controversy arose or else long after it was over.
(2) The Late Date. — The latter view makes the epistle a pseudony-
mous work — it assumes that an unknown author has here tried to
A DOCUMENT OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH 181
enhance the influence of his work by putting it under the name of the
first head of the Jerusalem church. This is of itself sufficient to
refute the late dating. For the procedure of the supposed falsifier
is quite incomprehensible. He has chosen James as the alleged
author only because of the lofty position which James held, and yet
he has designated him in the first verse merely as a simple Christian!
The procedure of real forgers is very different.
There are also, however, other objections to the late dating.
Would any writer in the second century, when the authority of Paul
was well established, have ventured to introduce such an apparent
contradiction of Paul as appears in James 2 : 24? In a writer of
A. D. 150 we should have had formal agreement with Paul and
material disagreement; in the Epistle of James we have formal dis-
agreement and material harmony. Apparent contradiction of ex-
pression combined with perfect unity of thought is a sure sign of
independence. The Epistle of James has made no use of the
epistles of Paul.
Against this conclusion may be urged only the coincidence that
James and Paul both use the example of Abraham, and cite the same
verse, Gen. 15 : 6, with regard to him. But it must be remembered
that to every Jew Abraham offered the most obvious example in all
the Scriptures. It is possible, too, that the faith and works of
Abraham had in pre-Christian Jewish circles already been the sub-
ject of controversy. Furthermore, James does not confine himself
to Abraham, but introduces Rahab also, who is not mentioned by
Paul. The coincidence between Paul and James is quite insufficient
to overbalance the clear evidence of independence.
(3) The Early Date. — Only one hypothesis, then, suits the facts.
The Epistle of James was clearly written before the Judaistic con-
troversy became acute at the time of the Apostolic Council. In the
second chapter of the epistle, James has used the same terms that
became prominent in that controversy, but he has used them in
refuting a practical, not a theoretical, error — an error that is related
only indirectly to the great subject of Galatians and Romans.
3. UNDERLYING UNITY OF THE EPISTLE
At first sight the Epistle of James seems to possess very little
unity. Topic follows topic often with little apparent connection.
But the connection between the individual sections is closer than
appears at first; and the epistle as a whole possesses at least a perfect
unity of spirit.
1 82 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
(1) Reality in Religion. — The ruling tone of the epistle, which may
be detected beneath all the varying exhortations, is a certain manly
honesty, a certain fierce hatred of all sham and cant and humbug
and meanness. James is a stern advocate of a practical religion.
(2) Supremacy of Religion. — It must be noticed, however, that
the religion of this writer is none the less religious because it is
practical. James is no advocate of a "gospel of street-cleaning."
On the contrary he insists with characteristic vehemence upon
personal piety. The same writer who has been regarded as em-
phasizing works at the expense of faith, who might be hailed as a
leader of those who would make religion terminate upon man rather
than God, who might be thought to disparage everything but
"social service" — this same writer is one of the most earnest advo-
cates of prayer. James 1 : 5-8; 4 : 2, 3; 5 : 14-18. This apostle of
works, this supposed disparager of faith, is almost bitter in his
denunciation of unbelief! Ch. 1 : 6-8. God, not man, according
to James, is the author of every perfect gift. V. 17. Prayer is the
remedy both for bodily and for spiritual ills. Ch. 5 : 14-18.
James lends no countenance to the modern disparagement of re-
ligious devotion. The same uncompromising severity with which
he lashes an inactive religion is also applied just as mercilessly to an
irreligious activity. Ch. 4 : 13-15. James does not attack religion
in the interests of reality; he attacks unreality in the interests of
religion.
4. CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE
The opening of the epistle, like that of the letters contained in
Acts 15 : 23-29; 23 : 26-30, is constructed according to the regular
Greek form.
After the opening, James speaks first of trials or temptations.
Rightly used they will lead to perfection. If, however, there is
still imperfection, it can be removed by prayer to God. The im-
perfection which is here especially in view is an imperfection in
wisdom. Apparently the readers, like the Pharisees, had laid an
excessive stress upon knowledge. The true wisdom, says James, can
be obtained not by human pride, as the readers seem to think, but
only by prayer. Prayer, however, must be in faith — there must be
no wavering in it. Pride, indeed, is altogether blameworthy. If
there is to be boasting, it should certainly be not in earthly wealth
but in those spiritual blessings which often reverse earthly distinc-
tions. Returning to the subject of temptations, James insists that
in their evil they do not come from God, but from the depths of
A DOCUMENT OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH 183
man's own desires. From God comes no evil thing, but every
perfect gift; and in the gospel God has bestowed upon us his richest
blessing.
That gospel must be received with all diligence. It will exclude
wrath and insincerity. True religion consists not merely in hearing
but in doing; good examples of the exercise of it are the visitation of
the fatherless and widows and the preservation of one's own personal
purity of life.
Faith in Christ, James continues in similar vein, excludes all
undue respect of persons. Indeed God in his choice of those who
should be saved has especially favored the poor. The rich as a
class are rather the oppressors of the Christians. Surely then the
Christians should not favor rich men for selfish reasons. The law
of love will exclude all such unworthy conduct.
That law of love requires an active life. Faith, if it be true faith,
leads to works. Away with a miserable faith that is expressed only
in words!
Words, indeed, are dangerous. The tongue is a prolific source of
harm. Evil speech reveals the deep-seated corruption of the heart.
The readers must be careful, therefore, about seeking the work of a
teacher. The true wisdom, which fits a man to teach, is not of
man's acquiring, but comes from God.
Quarreling — which was produced especially by the inordinate
ambition among the readers to pose as teachers — must be counter-
acted by submission to God.
The constant thought of God excludes all pride in human planning.
Especially the rich must reflect upon the transitoriness of earthly
possessions and above all must be sure that their wealth is honestly
gained.
Finally, patient waiting for the Lord, the example of the Old
Testament saints, and the earnest practice of prayer will make
effective all the exhortations of the epistle.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 123-138. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield, articles on
"James" and "James, Epistle of." M'Clymont, "The New Testa-
ment and Its Writers," pp. 123-129. Knowling, "The Epistle of
St. James." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Plumptre, "The
General Epistle of St. James." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testa-
ment," vol. i, pp. 73-151. The last-named work is intended primarily
for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used
by others.
LESSON XXXIII
JESUS THE FULFILLMENT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
The Epistle to the Hebrews
1. PAUL NOT THE AUTHOR
(1) The Tradition. — At Alexandria in the latter part of the second
century Paul was thought to be the author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews; but in North Africa a little later Tertullian attributed the
epistle to Barnabas, and in other portions of the Church the Pauline
authorship was certainly not accepted. In the west, the Pauline
authorship was long denied and the inclusion of the epistle in the
New Testament resisted. At last the Alexandrian view won uni-
versal acceptance. The Epistle to the Hebrews became an
accepted part of the New Testament, and was attributed to Paul.
Clement of Alexandria, who had apparently received the tradition
of Pauline authorship from Pantsenus, his predecessor, himself
declares that Hebrews was written by Paul in the "Hebrew"
(Aramaic) language, and was translated by Luke into Greek.
The notion of a translation by Luke was based upon no genuine
historical tradition — Hebrews is certainly an original Greek work —
but was simply an hypothesis constructed to explain the peculiarities
of the epistle on the supposition that it was a work of Paul.
(2) The Value of the Tradition. — The tradition of Pauline author-
ship is clearly very weak. If Paul had been the author, it is hard to
see why the memory of the fact should have been lost so generally in
the Church. No one in the early period had any objection to the
epistle; on the contrary it was very highly regarded. If, then, it
had really been written by Paul, the Pauline authorship would have
been accepted everywhere with avidity. The negative testimony of
the Roman church is particularly significant. The epistle was
quoted by Clement of Rome at about A. D. 95; yet at Rome as
elsewhere in the West the epistle seems never in the early period to
have been regarded as Pauline. In other words, just where ac-
quaintance with the epistle can be traced farthest back, the denial
of Pauline authorship seems to have been most insistent. If
Clement of Rome had regarded Paul as the author, the history of
Roman opinion about the epistle would have been very different.
184
JESUS— FULFILLMENT OF OLD TESTAMENT 185
On the other hand, on the supposition that there was originally
no tradition of Pauline authorship, the subsequent prevalence of
such a tradition is easily explained. It was due simply to the
evident apostolic authority of the epistle itself. From the start, He-
brews was felt to be an authoritative work. Being authoritative, it
would be collected along with other authoritative works. Since it
was an epistle, and exhibited a certain Pauline quality of spirit and
subject, it would naturally be associated with the other works of the
greatest letter writer of the apostolic age. Being thus included in a
collection of the Pauline Epistles, and being regarded as of apostolic
authority, what was more natural than to attribute it to the apostle
Paul? Such, very possibly, was the origin of the Alexandrian
tradition.
This tradition did not win immediate acceptance, because the
rest of the Church was still aware that the epistle was not written by
Paul. What led to the final conquest of the Pauline tradition was
simply the character of the book itself. The question of Pauline
authorship, in the case of this book, became connected with the
question of apostolic authority. The Church had to choose between
rejecting the book altogether, and accepting it as Pauline. When
she finally adopted the latter alternative, undoubtedly she chose the
lesser error. It was an error to regard the epistle as the work of
Paul ; but it would have been a far greater error to exclude it from the
New Testament. As a matter of fact, though the book was not
written by Paul, it was written, if not by one of the other apostles, at
least by an "apostolic man" like Mark or Luke. Scarcely any book
of the New Testament bears clearer marks of true apostolicity.
(3) Internal Evidence. — The argument against Pauline authorship
which is derived from tradition is strongly supported by the contents
of the epistle itself. In the first place, it is exceedingly doubtful
whether Paul could have spoken of himself as having had the
Christian salvation confirmed to him by those who had heard the
Lord. Heb. 2 : 3. Knowledge of the earthly life of Jesus was
indeed conveyed to Paul by ordinary word of mouth from the eye-
witnesses; but the gospel itself, as he insists with vehemence in
Galatians, was revealed to him directly by Christ. In the second
place, the style of the epistle is very different from that of Paul,
being, as we shall see, far more carefully wrought. In the third
place, the thoughts developed in Hebrews, though undoubtedly they
are in perfect harmony with the Pauline Epistles, are by no means
characteristically Pauline. It is a little hard to understand, for
!86 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
example, how Paul could have written at such length about the law
without speaking of justification by faith or the reception of Gentiles
into the Church. This last argument, however, must not be ex-
aggerated. Undoubtedly Paul would have agreed heartily to
everything that Hebrews contains. Paul and the author of this
epistle have developed merely somewhat different sides of the same
great truth.
2. WHO WAS THE AUTHOR?
If Paul did not write the Epistle to the Hebrews, who did write it?
Prodigious labor has been expended upon this question, but with
very little result. In ancient times, Barnabas, Luke and Clement
of Rome, were each regarded as the author. Of these three views
the first is most probable; the second is exceedingly unlikely; and the
last is clearly impossible. Whoever wrote the epistle, Clement
certainly did not. The letter which we possess from his pen is im-
measurably inferior to the apostolic writings to which Hebrews
certainly belongs. Clement was a humble reader of Hebrews, not
the author of it. Luther was inclined to regard Apollos as the
possible author of Hebrews; and of all the many suggestions that
have been made, this is perhaps the best. Undoubtedly the cir-
cumstances and training of Apollos were in a number of respects
like those which might naturally be attributed to the author of the
epistle. Apollos was closely associated with Paul, and perhaps at a
later time with others of the apostles, just as might be expected of
the author of an apostolic work such as Hebrews. On the other
hand, like the author of the epistle, he was not an eyewitness of the
life of Jesus. Compare Heb. 2 : 4. Like the author of the epistle
he was no doubt acquainted with Timothy. Compare ch. 13 : 23.
He was an "eloquent" or "learned" man, Acts 18 : 24, who might
well have produced the splendid rhetoric of the epistle. He was a
Jew and mighty in the Scriptures, as was also the author of Hebrews.
He was a native of Alexandria, the university city of the period, and
the seat of a large Jewish community, where just that combination
of Greek rhetorical training with Scriptural knowledge which is
exhibited in the epistle is most naturally to be sought.
These indications, however, can merely show that Apoflos might
conceivably have written the epistle ; they do not show that he did
write it. The authorship of this powerful work will always remain
uncertain. How little we know, after all, of the abounding life of
the apostolic Church!
JESUS— FULFILLMENT OF OLD TESTAMENT 187
3. WHERE WERE THE READERS?
In the Student's Text Book, it has been shown that the readers of
the epistle were probably members of some rather narrowly cir-
cumscribed community. Where this community was is by no
means clear. The one indication of place which the epistle contains
is ambiguous. In ch. 13 : 24 it is said, "They of Italy salute you."
These words may mean that the author is in Italy and sends greet-
ings from the Christians of that country, or they may mean that the
author is outside of Italy and sends greetings from Italian Christians
who happened to be with him. In the latter case, probably the
readers were in Italy; for otherwise they would have no special
interest in the Italian Christians. All that we can say is then that
the epistle was probably written either from Italy or to Italy. If it
was written from Italy, then since the readers were Jews, it is natural
to seek them in Palestine. The Palestinian Christians were "He-
brews" in the narrower, linguistic sense of the word, as well as in the
broader, national sense. The ancient heading of the epistle thus
comes to its full rights. On the other hand the Palestinian hypoth-
esis faces some rather grave difficulties. If the readers are to be
sought in Italy, then perhaps they formed a Jewish Christian com-
munity in Rome or in some other Italian city. The question cannot
be settled with any certainty. The destination of the epistle is an
even greater riddle than the authorship.
4. WHEN WAS THE EPISTLE WRITTEN?
The Epistle to the Hebrews was certainly written before A. D. 95,
for at about that time it was quoted by Clement of Rome. The
mention of Timothy in ch. 13 : 23 perhaps does not carry us much
farther, for Timothy, who was a grown man at about A. D. 50,
Acts 16 : 1-3, may have lived till the end of the first century. The
epistle, however, does not bear any of the marks of late origin. The
question of date is closely connected with the question whether in
the epistle the temple at Jerusalem is regarded as still standing.
This question cannot be settled with certainty. But on the whole the
continuance of the Levitical ceremonies seems to be assumed in the
epistle, and at any rate there is no clear reference to their cessation.
Probably therefore the Epistle to the Hebrews was written before the
destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70.
5. HEBREWS A LITERARY WORK
The Epistle to the Hebrews is a product of conscious literary art.
1 88 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
The rhetoric of Paul is unconscious; even such passages as the first
few chapters of First Corinthians or the eighth chapter of Romans
may have been composed with the utmost rapidity. The author of
Hebrews probably went differently to work. Such sentences as
Heb. 1 : 1-4, even in an inspired writer, can only be the result of
diligent labor. By long practice the writer of Hebrews had acquired
that feeling for rhythm and balance of phrase, that facility in the
construction of smooth-flowing periods, which give to his epistle its
distinctive quality among the New Testament books. Greek
rhetoric of the Hellenistic age, freed from its hollow artificiality, is
here laid under contribution for the Saviour's praise.
The presence of such a book in the New Testament is highly
salutary. Devout Christians in their enthusiasm for the simplicity
of the gospel are sometimes in danger of becoming one-sided. They
are sometimes inclined to confuse simplicity with ugliness, and then
to prize ugliness for its own sake. It is perfectly true that the
value of the gospel is quite independent of aesthetic niceties, and that
the language of the New Testament is for the most part very simple.
But it is not true that the simplicity of the New Testament has any-
thing in common with the bad taste of some modern phraseology,
or that eloquence is of itself evil. The Epistle to the Hebrews
shows by a noble example that there is such a thing as Christian art.
The majestic sentences of this ancient masterpiece, with their
exquisite clearness and liturgic rhythm and uplifting power, have
contributed inestimably to the Christian conception of the Saviour.
The art of Hebrews is not art for art's sake, but art for the sake of
Christ. Literary perfection is here combined with profound
genuineness and apostolic fervor; art is here ennobled by consecra-
tion.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 164, 165, 265-267, 286-289. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible":
Purves, article on "Hebrews, Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New
Testament and Its Writers," pp. 1 16-122. Ellicott, "A New Testa-
ment Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 275-348: Moulton,
"The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebiews." Westcott, "The
Epistle to the Hebrews." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testa-
ment," vol. ii, pp. 293-366. The two last-named works are intended
primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be
used by others.
LESSON XXXIV
CHRISTIAN FORTITUDE
The First Epistle of Peter
1. SEPARATION FROM THE WORLD
The First Epistle of Peter is the epistle of separaleness. The
modern Church is in grave clanger of forgetting the distinctiveness
of her gospel and the glorious isolation of her position. She is too
often content to be merely one factor in civilization, a means of im-
proving the world instead of the instrument in creating a new world.
The first readers of the epistle were subject to a similar danger,
though it arose from a somewhat different cause. To-day we are
no longer subject to persecution; but the danger is fundamentally
the same. The world's friendship may be even more disastrous
than the world's hatred. The readers of First Peter were tempted
to relinquish what was distinctive in their faith in order to avoid
the hostility of their heathen neighbors; we are tempted to do the
same thing because the superficial respectability of modern life
has put a gloss of polite convention over the profound differences
that divide the inner lives of men. We, as well as the first readers
of the epistle, need to be told that this world is lost in sin, that the
blood of Christ has ransomed an elect race from the city of de-
struction, that the high privileges of the Christian calling demand
spotless purity and unswerving courage.
(1) The Character of the Persecution. — The character of the
persecution to which the readers of the epistle were subjected cannot
be determined with perfect clearness. It is not even certain that
the Christian profession in itself was regarded officially as a crime.
Apparently charges of positive misconduct were needed to give
countenance to the persecutors. I Peter 2 : 12. The Christians
needed to be warned that there is no heroism in suffering if the
suffering is the just punishment of misdeeds. Chs. 2 : 20; 4 : 15.
What particular charges were brought against the Christians it
is of course difficult to determine. Perhaps they were sometimes
charged with gross crimes such as murder or theft. But a more
frequent accusation was probably "hatred of the human race," or
the like. The Christians were thought to be busybodies. In
189
IQO SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
setting the world to rights they seemed to meddle in other people's
affairs. In claiming to be citizens of a heavenly kingdom, they
seemed indifferent or hostile to earthly relationships. As subjects
of the emperor and of his representatives, the Christians were
thought to be disloyal; as slaves, they seemed disobedient.
(2) Duties of Earthly Life. — In view of these accusations, Peter
urges his readers to avoid all improper employment of their
Christian freedom. Christian freedom does not mean license;
Christian independence does not mean indifference. There is no
reason why a good Christian should be a bad citizen, even of a
heathen state, ch. 2 : 13-17, or an unprofitable servant, even of a
harsh master, vs. 18-25, or a quarrelsome wife, even of an un-
converted husband. Ch. 3 : 1-6. On the contrary, Christians
must approve themselves not only in the spiritual realm, but also
in the ordinary relationships of this life.
(3) Application to Modern Conditions. — Here again the lesson is
important for the present day. Now as always fervent realization
of the transcendent glory of Christianity tends sometimes to result
in depreciation of ordinary duties. Men of exceptional piety some-
times seem to feel that civilization is unworthy of their attention,
even if it is not actually a work of Satan. Of all such vagaries the
First Epistle of Peter is the best corrective. Truth is here ad-
mirably guarded against the error that lurks at its root. The very
epistle that emphasizes the separateness of the Church from the
world, that teaches Christian people to look down upon earthly
affairs from the vantage ground of heaven, is just the epistle that
inculcates sober and diligent conduct in the various relationships
of earthly life. In the effort at a higher morality, the simple,
humble virtues that even the world appreciates should not be
neglected ; piety should involve no loss of common sense. Now as
always the Christian should be ready to give a reason for the faith
that is in him; now as always he should be able to refute the slanders
of the world; now as always he should commend his Christianity by
his good citizenship. Only so will the example of Christ be fully
followed. Jesus was in possession of a transcendent message; but
he lived the life of a normal man. The Christian, too, is a man
with a divine mission; but like his Master he must exercise his
mission in the turmoil of life. He must not be a spoilsport at feasts;
his is no desert role like John the Baptist's. Christianity has a
mission from without; but its mission is fulfilled in loving contact
with the world of men.
CHRISTIAN FORTITUDE 191
(4) The Christian's Defense. — The Christians who suffered per-
secution should first of all, according to Peter, defend themselves
to the very best of their ability. They should do their best to
remove dishonor from the name of Christ. They should show the
baselessness of the accusations which are brought against them.
Then, if they still suffer, it will be clearly suffering for Christ's
sake. Such suffering is glorious. It is a test from which faith
emerges strong and sure, ch. 1 : 7; it is true conformity to the ex-
ample of Christ. Chs. 2 : 21-24; 3 : 18; 4 : 1, 13.
2. THE DATE OF THE PERSECUTIONS
From the persecutions presupposed in First Peter no very certain
conclusion can be drawn with regard to the date of the epistle. A
late date has sometimes been inferred from such passages as I
Peter 4 : 16. Christians were not punished as Christians, it is
said, until the beginning of the second century, and especially no
such persecution was carried out in the early period throughout
the whole empire. Ch. 5 : 9.
This argument breaks down at a number of points. In the first
place, as has already been observed, it is by no means clear that
First Peter presupposes a persecution of the Christians simply as
Christians. Apparently special charges of immorality were still in
the foreground, though these charges were often mere pretexts in
order to secure the punishment of members of the hated sect.
In the second place, it is not clear exactly when Christians first
began to be punished as "Christians" by the Roman authorities.
Undoubtedly the legal basis for such persecution was present as
soon as Christianity began to be regarded as separate from Judaism.
Judaism had a legal status; Christianity, strictly speaking, had
none.
3. DEPENDENCE AND ORIGINALITY
First Peter is clearly dependent upon a number of the Pauline
Epistles, and apparently also upon the Epistle of James. The
dependence, however, is by no means slavish; the epistle possesses
marked characteristics of its own. As compared with Paul, for
example, First Peter is somewhat simpler both in thought and in
expression. No mere imitator, but a genuine personality, speaks
to us from the noble simplicity of these pages.
4. COMPARISON WITH THE SPEECHES OF PETER
It is interesting to compare this epistle with the early speeches of
Peter that are recorded in The Acts. Part of the difference —
192 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
similarities also have been pointed out — no doubt, was due to the
difference in the persons addressed. In those early speeches,
Peter was preaching to unconverted Jews, and had to content him-
self with a few outstanding facts. In the epistle, he was addressing
Christians, before whom he could lay bare the deep things of the
faith. Nevertheless, the passing years had brought a change in
Peter himself. Upon him as upon everyone else the mighty in-
fluence of Paul made itself felt; and even the revelation which came
directly to him was progressive. The essence of the gospel was
present from the beginning; but the rich unfolding of it which appears
in First Peter was the product of long years spent in an ever-
widening service.
5. THE STYLE OF THE EPISTLE
The style of First Peter, though not at all rhetorical, like that of
Hebrews, is smooth and graceful. It has often been considered
strange that a fisherman of Galilee should have been so proficient
in Greek. But probably we have an exaggerated notion of the
poverty and roughness of the first disciples of Jesus. Undoubtedly
they had not enjoyed a rabbinical education; in the technical
Jewish sense they were "unlearned and ignorant men." Acts 4 : 13.
Nevertheless, they clearly did not belong at all to the lowest of
the population; Peter in particular seems to have been possessed
of considerable property. Furthermore, it must be remembered
that Greek culture in the first century was making itself felt very
extensively in Galilee. No doubt Peter could use Greek even
before he left Galilee, and in the course of his later life his linguistic
attainments must have been very greatly improved. It is by no
means impossible that he wrote First Peter entirely without as-
sistance.
6. SILVANUS
In order, however, to account for the linguistic excellence of this
epistle, and in particular for the striking difference between it and
Second Peter, a rather attractive hypothesis has been proposed.
In I Peter 5 : 12, Peter says: "By Silvanus, our faithful brother, as
I account him, I have written unto you briefly." Undoubtedly
these words may designate Silvanus merely as the messenger who
carried the letter to its destination. Compare Acts 15 : 23. It is
also possible, however, that Peter meant to say that Silvanus had
written the letter under his direction. In that case the thought
would be due altogether to Peter; but the form, to some extent
CHRISTIAN FORTITUDE 193
at least, would be the work of Silvanus. The hypothesis, of course,
is only plausible, not necessary. There are other ways of accounting
for the peculiarities of the epistle.
In all probability, the Silvanus of First Peter is the same as the
Silvanus of the Pauline Epistles and the Silas of The Acts. If so,
his association with Peter is altogether natural ; he was originally
a member of the Jerusalem church. If, in accordance with the
hypothesis which has just been mentioned, Silvanus was really
concerned in the composition of the epistle, the choice of such a
man for the task was, as has been pointed out by the chief advocate
of the hypothesis, exceedingly wise. Silvanus, who had been a
companion of Paul and his associate in founding many of the
churches of Asia Minor, would be just the man who could find the
right tone in writing to the churches to which the epistle is ad-
dressed.
7. MARK
The appearance of Mark in I Peter 5 : 13 confirms the strong
tradition which makes Mark a disciple of Peter and associates him
with Peter in the production of the Second Gospel. The only two
individuals whom Peter mentions in his First Epistle were both
natives of Jerusalem, and both, during part of their lives, companions
of Paul. The unity of the apostolic Church was preserved not only
by a unity of spirit, but also by the changing associations of Christian
workers.
8. FORTITUDE IN THE MODERN CHURCH
The First Epistle of Peter has a varied message to the Church of
to-day. Even in its exhortations to bravery and steadfastness it is
very much needed. We are not subject to persecution by the state,
but still there are a thousand circumstances of life in which we need
to humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God, casting all our
anxiety upon him, because he careth for us. Ch. 5 : 6, 7.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 267, 275-282. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield (supple-
mented), article on "Peter." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and
Its Writers," pp. 130-136. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 385-436: Mason, "The First Epistle
of St. Peter." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii,
pp. 134-194. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who
have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
Sen. t. m. 3.
LESSON XXXV
THE CHRISTIAN'S ATTITUDE TOWARD ERROR AND
IMMORALITY
The Second Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude
1. AUTHENTICITY
The Second Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude are among
the least known and most seriously questioned parts of the New-
Testament. Even in ancient times their authenticity was disputed;
in the third and fourth centuries there were some at least who
desired to exclude them from the New Testament. These ancient
doubts have been continued in the modern Church. By very many
scholars of the present day, Second Peter and Jude are assigned to
second-century writers who falsely assumed the names of an apostle
and of a brother of the Lord.
Against such views as these, a number of arguments might be
employed. But the strongest argument of all is provided by the
self-witness of the epistles themselves. Second Peter, in particular,
not only lays claim to apostolic authorship in the address, but
is written throughout in the name of an apostle. Either it was really
written by an apostle or else it was a deliberate fraud. The latter
alternative is excluded by the epistle itself. Second Peter does not
look at all like a pseudonymous work, but is a weighty bit of
writing, full of the sincerest moral earnestness. Both Second
Peter and Jude ring true, with the genuine apostolic note.
2. SECOND PETER AND FIRST PETER
Resemblances have often been pointed out among all three
divisions of the New Testament material attributed to Peter.
Second Peter has been shown to resemble not only First Peter, but
also the speeches of Peter as they are reported in The Acts. Such
similarities of course point to a common authorship. It cannot be
denied, however, that differences stand side by side with the
similarities. In the comparison of the epistles with the speeches,
such differences are of course not surprising. The total difference
194
ATTITUDE TOWARD ERROR AND IMMORALITY 195
of subject and the wide interval of time provide an amply sufficient
explanation. But how is it with the difference between Second
Peter and First Peter?
(1) Difference of Purpose and Subject. — In the first place, the
difference may be partly explained by the difference of purpose and
subject. First Peter is a presentation of the glories of the faith in
order to encourage Christians under trial and make them feel their
separateness from the world; Second Peter is a solemn warning
against dangerous perverters of the life of the Church.
(2) Difference of Time. — In the second place, a considerable in-
terval of time may separate the two epistles. Here we find ourselves
on uncertain ground. On the whole it is perhaps better to put the
epistles near together at the close of Peter's life.
(3) Work of Silvanus. — In the third place, recourse may be had
to the hypothesis, mentioned in the last lesson, which attributes a
considerable share in the composition of First Peter to Silvanus.
(4) Conclusion.— Finally, there may be still further possibilities
of explanation which cannot now be detected. The differences of
style and of thought between the two epistles of Peter are far from
sufficient to show diversity of authorship, and it must be remembered
that similarities are to be balanced against the differences.
3. VALUE OF SECOND PETER AND JUDE
Although Second Peter and Jude are not so familiar as most of
the New Testament, yet even these two brief epistles have entered
deep into the mind and heart of the Church.
(1) Expressive Phrases. — Even the inimitably expressive phrases
and sentences that have been derived from the epistles have pro-
duced no small enrichment of Christian life. The "exceeding great
and precious promises," and the "partakers of the divine nature"
of II Peter 1 : 4, the chain of virtues in vs. 5-7, the "make your
calling and election sure" of v. 10, the "sure word of prophecy" of
v. 19, the description of inspired prophecy in vs. 20, 21 — "no
prophecy of the scripture is of any private interpretation. For
the prophecy came not in old time by the will of man: but holy
men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost"— the
"vexed his righteous soul" of ch. 2 : 8, the "railing accusation" of
v. 11; Jude 9, the "stir up your pure minds by way of remem-
brance" of II Peter 3 : 1, the "not willing that any should perish, but
that all should come to repentance" of v. 9, the "faith which was
once delivered unto the saints" of Jude 3, the magnificent dox-
196 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
ology of vs. 24, 25 — a review of these passages as they appear in
the King James Version will bring some realization of the profound
influence which even the most obscure books of the New Testa-
ment have exerted both upon the English language and upon the
character of Christian men.
The influence of Second Peter and Jude, however, is not merely
the influence of isolated phrases. The epistles as a whole have a
distinctive message for the Church. That message is twofold.
It embraces in the first place an emphasis upon authority, and in the
second place an insistence upon holiness.
(2) The Emphasis Upon Authority. — The adversaries who are
combated in Second Peter and Jude were impatient of restraint.
Apparently they distinguished themselves, as possessing the Spirit,
from the ordinary Christians, as being merely "natural." Jude
5, 19; II Peter 2 : 12. They appealed to their own deeper insight,
instead of listening to what apostles and prophets had to say. In
reply, Peter and Jude insisted upon the authority of the Old Testa-
ment prophets, and upon the authority of the apostles, which was
ultimately the authority of Christ. See especially II Peter 3 : 2.
A similar insistence upon authority is greatly needed to-day.
Again men are inclined to appeal to an inward light as justifying
freedom from ancient restraints; the Christian consciousness is
being exalted above the Bible. At such a time, renewed attention
to Second Peter and Jude would be salutary. False notions are
rife to-day with regard to apostolic authority. They can be cor-
rected by our epistles. Peter as well as Paul exerts his authority
not in an ofhcial or coldly ecclesiastical way, but with an inimitable
brotherliness. The authority of the apostles is the authority of
good news. Subjection to such authority is perfect freedom.
The authority which Peter and Jude urge upon their readers is a
double authority — in the first place the authority of the Old Testa-
ment, and in the second place the authority of Christ exerted
through the apostles. For us, however, the two become one. The
apostles, like the Old Testament prophets, speak to us only through
the Bible. We need to learn the lesson. A return to the Bible is
the deepest need of the modern Church. It would mean a return
to God.
(3) Insistence Upon Holiness. — The second characteristic of
Second Peter and Jude is the insistence upon holiness. Religion
is by no means always connected with goodness. In the Greco-
Roman world, the two were often entirely separate. Many pagan
ATTITUDE TOWARD ERROR AND IMMORALITY 197
cults contained no ethical element whatever. The danger was there-
fore very great that Christianity might be treated in the same way.
The early Christians needed to be admonished ever and again that
their God was a God of righteousness, that no unclean thing could
stand in his presence.
Insistence upon holiness is in itself no peculiarity of Second Peter
and Jude. It runs all through the New Testament. But in these
epistles it is directed more definitely perhaps than anywhere else
against the opposite error. The opponents of Peter and Jude did
not merely drift into immorality; they defended it on theoretical
grounds. They were making a deliberate effort to reduce Chris-
tianity to the level of a non-ethical religion. Such theoretical de-
fense of immorality appears, indeed, in a number of places in the
apostolic Church. A certain party in Corinth, for example, made
a wrong use of Christian freedom. But what is more or less in-
cidental in First Corinthians forms the main subject of Second Peter
and Jude. Christianity is here insisting upon its thoroughly ethical
character.
At first sight the message might seem obsolete to-day. We
always associate religion with morality; we can hardly understand
how the two ever could have been separated. It is to be feared, how-
ever, that the danger is not altogether past. In our thoughts we
preserve the ethical character of Christianity. But how is it with
our lives? How is it with our religious observances? Are we not
constantly in danger of making religion a mere cult, a mere emotional
excitement, a mere means of gaining earthly or heavenly advan-
tages, a mere effort to bribe God by our worship? The danger is
always with us. We need always to remind ourselves that Christian
faith must work itself out in holy living.
Peter in his second epistle has provided us with one important
means to that end. It is the thought of Christ's coming. There can
be no laxness in moral effort if we remember the judgment seat of
Christ.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
267-270, 282-285. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield (supple-
mented), article on "Jude." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and
Its Writers," pp. 137-143. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers," vol. Ill, pp. 437-463, 505-519: Plummer, "The
Second Epistle of St. Peter" and "The Epistle of St. Jude." Zahn,
"Introduction to the New Testament," vol, ii, pp. 194-293. The
last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowl-
edge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
LESSON XXXVI
THE LIFE OF THE CHILDREN OF GOD
The Epistles of John
1. AUTHORSHIP OF THE FIRST EPISTLE
The First Epistle of John does not contain the name of its author.
According to tradition, however, it was written by the apostle John,
and tradition is here supported by the characteristics of the epistle
itself. The author of the epistle was evidently the same as the
author of the Fourth Gospel. The marked similarity in style can
be explained in no other way. Even the careless reader observes
that the style of the Fourth Gospel is very peculiar. Short sen-
tences are joined to one another with the utmost simplicity; the
vocabulary is limited, but contains expressions of extraordinary
richness; the total effect is singularly powerful. These same
characteristics, though they are so peculiar, appear also in the
epistle. There is the same simplicity of sentence structure, the
same use of such terms as "life" and "light" and "love," the same
indescribable spirit and tone. Yet the epistle is no slavish imita-
tion of the Gospel — differences stand side by side with the similar-
ities. These two works are evidently related, not as model and
copy, but as living productions of the same remarkable personality.
2. TESTIMONY OF AN EYEWITNESS
As in the Gospel, so also in the epistle the author presents himself
clearly as an eyewitness of the life of Jesus, I John 1 : 1-3; 4 : 14;
as in the Gospel he lays stress upon simple testimony. Even those
things which have just been noticed as characteristic of his style are
connected ultimately with the teaching of Jesus. In both Gospel
and epistle, the beloved disciple has reproduced what he heard in
Galilee and in Judea, though in both he has made the memory a
living, spiritual fact.
3. DESTINATION AND DATE
The First Epistle of John is perhaps scarcely to be called an epistle
at all. Practically all the characteristics of a letter are missing.
198
THE LIFE OF THE CHILDREN OF GOD 199
There is no address; there is no greeting at the close; there are no
personal details. The readers are indeed referred to in the second
person; but preachers as well as letter-writers say, "you." First
John is a sort of general address written probably to some extended
group of churches.
These churches are probably to be sought in Asia Minor.
Throughout the epistle the readers are addressed in a fatherly tone.
See, for example, ch. 2:1. Evidently the writer was well known
as a sort of patriarch throughout an extended region. Such con-
ditions prevailed in Asia Minor after the apostle John had begun to
reside at Ephesus. Trustworthy tradition as well as the New
Testament informs us of a period in the apostle's life when he had
outlived all or most of the other apostles and was revered as the
head of the Asian church. At some time within this period —
probably nearer the end than the beginning — the First Epistle of
John was written.
4. THE FALSE TEACHERS
The form of error against which the epistle is directed becomes
clearest, perhaps in ch. 4 : 2, 3. The false teachers had denied that
Jesus Christ was come in the flesh. This may be interpreted in
several different ways.
(1) Docetism.— In the first place, John may mean that the
opponents simply denied the reality of the earthly life of Jesus.
Such a form of error is by no means unknown in the history of the
Church. It is called "Docetism." According to Docetism the
Son of God did not really live a human life — with human sufferings
and a human death — but only appeared to do so.
(2) Cerinthus. — In the second place, the meaning of the passage
may be that the opponents denied the unity of the person of Jesus
Christ. Compare ch. 2 : 22. Some persons in the early Church
supposed that there were two separate persons in the figure that is
described in the Gospels. A heavenly being, the Christ, it was
thought, united himself with the man Jesus at the time when the
dove descended after the baptism. Matt. 3 : 16, 17. Such was
the view of Cerinthus, who is declared by tradition to have been an
opponent of the apostle John at Ephesus. It has been suggested,
therefore, that it was actually Cerinthus, with his disciples, who is
combated in the First Epistle of John.
(3) Denial of the Incarnation. — Both Cerinthus and the Docetists
denied the reality of the incarnation — both denied that the Son of
200 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
God actually assumed a human nature and lived a complete human
life. According to Cerinthus and others like him, the Christ stood
only in somewhat loose relation to the man Jesus. He was united
with him only late in life, he left him before the crucifixion. On
this view, it was not the Christ who lay in the manger at Bethlehem,
it was not the Christ who suffered on the cross. Cerinthus, like the
Docetists, kept the Son of God out of any close relation to the world
and to us.
(4) John's Reply. — Against some such view as one of these, John
was concerned to establish the reality of the incarnation — the truth
that "the Word became flesh." In the Gospel, that truth underlies
the whole of the narrative; in the First Epistle it is directly defended
against the opposing error. It is defended first of all by an
appeal to what the writer had seen and heard. "We knew Jesus
in Palestine," says John in effect, "and we can testify that Jesus
himself was none other than the Christ, the Son of God." I John,
1 : 1-4.
(5) John, the Opponents, and Cerinthus. — The false teachers who
are combated in the epistle had apparently withdrawn from the
Church and formed a separate sect. I John 2:19. Their separate-
ness of mind and heart and life had found expression in open schism.
Whether they are to be identified with disciples of Cerinthus is at
least doubtful. False speculation about the person of Christ no
doubt assumed many forms in the closing years of the first century.
5. CONNECTION BETWEEN THE SECOND AND THE THIRD
EPISTLE
In III John 9, the apostle tells Gaius that he had written "some-
what unto the church." This letter to the church may have been
written at some previous time. It is also possible, however, that it
was written together with the letter to Gaius. The Greek word for
"I wrote" admits of that interpretation. If that interpretation be
correct, then John perhaps means to say that although he has written
a letter to the church he could not in that letter urge the hospitable
reception of the missionaries. For the present, the influence of
Diotrephes was too strong. The letter to the church had to be
concerned with other matters.
If this view of the letter mentioned in III John 9 be adopted, then
the Second Epistle of John corresponds to the description. The
Second Epistle is addressed to a church, and it is written with some
reserve. If "certain" of the children of "the elect lady" were
THE LIFE OF THE CHILDREN OF GOD 201
walking in truth, II John 4, the inference is that others were con-
ducting themselves very differently. Evidently there was danger
of false teaching among the readers. Hospitality to men like
Demetrius and his companions could hardly be expected of such a
church. If hospitality should be practiced, it was only too likely
to be hospitality to men of a very different stamp. Vs. 10, 11.
Possibly, therefore, the Second Epistle of John is actually the
letter that is referred to in III John 9, a letter to the church of which
Gaius was a member. This hypothesis is supported by the striking
formal similarity of the two letters. They are of almost exactly
the same length; the openings and especially the conclusions,
II John 12, 13; III John 13, 14, are couched in almost exactly the
same terms. They look very much like twin epistles, written on
two sheets of papyrus of the same size.
Of course the hypothesis is by no means certain. Perhaps the
letter referred to in III John 9 was a previous letter bespeaking
hospitality, which had failed of its effect. When the apostle saw,
from the answer or lack of answer to the previous letter, that the
church was ill disposed, he had recourse to an individual member of
it. Even in this case, however, it remains probable that our two
epistles were written at about the same time.
6. VALUE OF THE SHORTER EPISTLES
These last two epistles of John do not deserve the neglect which
they have sometimes suffered. Despite their brevity — they are
the shortest books of the New Testament — they are instructive in
a number ol ways.
(1) Historical. — It is exceedingly interesting, for example, to
compare them with the private letters of the same period which
have recently been discovered in Egypt — see Lesson III, Teacher's
Manual, in this course. In form, the opening of the Third Epistle
is very much in the manner of the papyrus letters. Compare, for
example, with III John 1-4 the following opening of a letter of the
second century after Christ: "Apion to Epimachus his father and
lord heartiest greetings. First of all I pray that you are in health
and continually prosper and fare well with my sister and daughter
and my brother. I thank the lord Serapis. ..." (The transla-
tion is that of Professor Milligan. See p. 20 of Teacher's Man-
ual, Part I, of this course.) The differences, however, are even
more instructive than the resemblances. What was said in Lesson
I about the epistles of Paul applies in full measure to the epistles
202 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
of John. Even the epistolary forms are here modified so as to
be the vehicle of a new message and a new spirit.
Furthermore, the two epistles, especially Third John, cast a flood
of light upon the internal development of the Church. In one
respect indeed the historical significance of the Third Epistle has
sometimes been exaggerated. It is not true that we have here the
emergence of the monarchical episcopate — that is, the preeminence
of one presbyter, called a "bishop," over his brother presbyters.
Diotrephes does not appear clearly as a bishop. At about A. D.
110 in the epistles of Ignatius the episcopate is very prominent; but
Third John belongs to an earlier period.
Nevertheless, this concrete picture of the internal affairs of a late
first-century church is absolutely unique. The period is very
obscure; these few brief lines illumine it more than pages of narra-
tive. The traveling preachers of Third John are particularly in-
teresting. Similar missionaries appear also in the "Didache," a
sort of church manual which may probably be dated in the early
part of the second century. In that later period, however, care
had to be taken lest the hospitality of the churches should be
abused. "But let every apostle," says the writer — the word
"apostle" is used in a very broad sense to designate wandering
preachers — "who comes to you be received as the Lord. He shall
remain, however, no more than one day, or if necessary two. If
he remains three days he is a false prophet." Such precautions, we
may be sure, were not needed in the case of Demetrius and his com-
panions.
(2) Practical. — Despite its individual address and private charac-
ter, the Third Epistle of John is not an ordinary private letter.
Like all the books of the New Testament, it has a message for the
entire Church. The devout reader rises from the perusal of it with
a more steadfast devotion to the truth and a warmer glow of
Christian love.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
272-274, 294-308." Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (supple-
mented), article on "John, Epistles of." M'Clymont, "The New Testa-
ment and Its Writers," pp. 144-149. Ellicott, "A New Testament
Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 467-502: Sinclair,
"The Epistles of St. John." Westcott, "The Epistles of St. John."
Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp. 355-384.
The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have
some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
LESSON XXXVII
THE MESSAGES OF THE LIVING CHRIST
The Book of Revelation (First Lesson)
1. THE APOCALYPSE AND THE GOSPEL OF JOHN
In the Student's Text Book it was maintained that the Apocalypse
was written by John the son of Zebedee. The strongest objection
to this view is to be found in the striking difference of language and
style which exists between the Apocalypse on the one side and the
Gospel and Epistles of John on the other. The style of the
Apocalypse is extraordinarily rough; in it the most elementary laws
of Greek grammar are sometimes disregarded. Such peculiarities
appear scarcely at all in the Gospel; the language of the. Gospel,
though simple, is perfectly grammatical.
This observation has led many scholars to decide that the Gospel
and the Apocalypse never could have been written by the same
person; the argument, indeed, was advanced as early as the third
century by Dionysius of Alexandria. Those who thus deny the
unity of authorship do not all reject either one book or the other
as authoritative; some suppose that the John whose name appears
in the Apocalypse, though not the same as John the son of
Zebedee, was a genuine prophet.
The evidence, however, for attributing all the Johannine books to
the son of Zebedee is exceedingly strong. If the Apocalypse is to be
attributed to some one else, tradition is very seriously at fault, and
it is also very difficult to see how another John could have introduced
himself to the churches of Asia Minor in the way that the author
does at the beginning and end of the book without distinguishing
himself from the greater man of the same name who was residing
at Ephesus at the very same time. The Apocalypse must there-
fore be assigned to the son of Zebedee unless there is absolutely
unimpeachable evidence to the contrary.
Such evidence is not really forthcoming. The difference of style
between the Apocalypse and the Fourth Gospel is capable of
explanation.
(1) Possible Difference of Date. — In the first place, it might be
203
204 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
explained by a wide difference of date. If the Apocalypse was
written at about A. D. 68, then an interval of some twenty-five,
years or more separates it from the Gospel. Such an interval
would allow plenty of time for the style of the author to change.
When the Galilean fisherman first left his home in Palestine, his
command of the Greek language might conceivably be slight;
whereas after a long residence in Asia Minor, as leader of a group of
Greek-speaking churches, the roughness of his style would be re-
moved. Hence the un-Greek, strongly Hebraistic usages of the
Apocalypse would in the Gospel naturally give place to a correct,
though simple style.
This hypothesis, however, is beset with serious difficulties. It
is difficult to suppose that the Apocalypse was written before the
closing decade of the first century. Some passages, it is true, have
been strongly urged in favor of the early date. Particularly the
reference to the seven kings in Rev. 17 : 10 has been thought by
many excellent scholars to be decisive. The reference to the seven
hills in the preceding verse seems to show that the "beast" repre-
sents Rome; the seven kings therefore naturally represent Roman
emperors. The fifth emperor, beginning with Augustus, was Nero.
If at the time when the book was written five were fallen, one was
and the other was not yet come, v. 10, the book must apparently
have been written under Nero's successor. His successor, Galba,
reigned only a few months: the book was therefore written in A. D.
68 or 69. Or if the very brief reigns of Galba, Otho and Vitellius
be not counted, then the book was written between A. D. 69 and
79, during the reign of Vespasian.
The passage remains, however, so obscure that it is very doubtful
whether any one interpretation of it should be allowed to over-
balance the evidence for the later date. Such evidence is abundant.
Most weighty of all, perhaps, is the strong tradition which places
the Apocalypse in the closing years of Domitian. It is hard to
believe that that tradition is seriously at fault. The condition of
the Church, moreover, as it is presupposed in the book, is more
naturally to be sought at A. D. 95 than twenty-five years earlier.
The persecution, for example, which the writer describes, seems far
more like the persecution under Domitian than it is like the outbreak
which was occasioned by the cruelty of Nero.
(2) The Difference of Subject. — If the later date be accepted,
then the Gospel and the Apocalypse were written in the same
period of the apostle's life, and the difference of style cannot be
THE MESSAGES OF THE LIVING CHRIST 205
explained by a difference of date. Another explanation, however,
is sufficient. The difference between the two books may be ex-
plained by the total difference of subject. The Gospel is a nar-
rative of Jesus' life, written with abundant opportunity for reflec-
tion; the Apocalypse is a record of wonderful visions, where stylistic
nicety would have marred the immediateness of the revelation.
The very roughness of the Apocalypse is valuable as expressing the
character of the book. In the Gospel, John brought to bear all his
power of reflection and of expression; in the Apocalypse, he wrote
in haste under the overpowering influence of a transcendent
experience.
The grammatical irregularities of the Apocalypse, moreover, often
create the impression that they are intentional. They belonged,
apparently, to an apocalyptic style which to a certain extent had
already been formed; they were felt to be suited to the peculiar
character of the work.
Finally, it must not be forgotten that side by side with the
differences of style there are some remarkable similarities. The
underlying unity of thought and expression points to unity of
authorship.
2. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE APOCALYPSE
(1) A Record of Visions. — In what has just been said, the dominant
peculiarity of the Apocalypse has already been indicated. The
Apocalypse is no careful literary composition, pieced together from
previous works of a similar character. On the contrary, it is a
record of genuine revelations. Before writing, the seer was "in
the Spirit."
(2) Influence of the Old Testament. — Nevertheless, although the
Apocalypse is a record of visions, and was written consciously under
the impulsion of the Spirit, it is by no means uninfluenced by previous
works. To a degree that is perhaps not paralleled by any other
New Testament book, the Apocalypse is suffused with the language
and with the imagery of the Old Testament. Though there is not a
single formal quotation, the Old Testament Scriptures have in-
fluenced almost every sentence of the book. Particularly the books
of Ezekiel and Daniel, which, like the Apocalypse, are composed
largely of the records of visions, have supplied much of the imagery
of the New Testament work.
This wide-spread influence of the Old Testament upon the
Apocalpyse is by no means surprising. The Apocalypse is based
206 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
upon direct revelation, but direct revelation is not necessarily out
of relation to everything else. On the contrary, it uses the language
which its recipients can understand; and part of the language of the
apostle John was the phraseology and imagery of the Old Testa-
ment.
It has already been hinted that works very similar in form to the
Apocalypse are to be found in the Old Testament. This apocalyptic
form was continued in a number of Jewish works written after the
conclusion of the Old Testament canon. Superficially these works
bear considerable resemblance to the New Testament Apocalypse;
but closer examination reveals profound differences. The Jewish
apocalypses appeared under assumed names — the most important
of them under the name of Enoch — while John is so firmly con-
vinced of having received genuine revelation that he requires no
such spurious authority for his work. The similarity between
our Apocalypse and its extra-canonical Jewish predecessors and con-
temporaries is a similarity at most of form; in spirit and content the
difference is incalculable. Unlike these other works, the Apocalypse
is a genuine prophecy.
3. THE MESSAGES TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES
The so-called letters to the seven churches were never intended
to be circulated separately. From the beginning the letters formed
part of the Apocalypse, which was addressed to all seven of the
churches. From the beginning, therefore, each of the letters was
intended to be read not only by the church whose name it bears,
but also by all the others. The seven churches, moreover, are
representative of the Church at large.
Nevertheless, despite the universal purpose of the letters, they
are very concrete in the information that they provide about the
churches in Asia Minor. Like the Second and Third Epistles of
John they illumine an exceedingly obscure period in the history
of Christianity.
(1) The "Angels" of the Churches. — Some details in the letters,
it is true, are to us obscure. What, for example, is meant by the
"angels" of the churches to which the several letters are addressed?
The Greek word translated "angel" may also mean simply "mes-
senger." Conceivably, it might designate merely a congregational
officer. Many have supposed that it designates a bishop. In the
epistles of Ignatius, which were written not very many years after
the Apocalypse, the term "bishop" is applied to an officer who had
THE MESSAGES OF THE LIVING CHRIST 207
supreme authority over a congregation including the presbyters.
The appearance of these "angels" or "messengers" in the Apocalypse
has been urged as proof that John as well as Ignatius recognized
the institution of the episcopacy.
Surely, however, the matter is more than doubtful. The Greek
word used, whether it be translated "angel" or "messenger," is a
very strange designation of a bishop. Moreover, in the rest of the
Johannine literature there is no recognition of the episcopacy. In
the Third Epistle of John, for example, even if Diotrephes had set
himself up as a bishop — which is itself exceedingly doubtful — his
claim is certainly not accepted by the apostle.
On the whole, it seems better to regard the "angels" to which the
seven letters of the Apocalypse are addressed merely as ideal
representatives of the churches — representatives conceived of
perhaps as guardian angels. Compare Matt. 18 : 10.
(2) The Nicolaitans. — Another puzzling question concerns the
"Nicolaitans" who appear in several of the letters. The name itself
is obscure. By tradition it is connected with that Nicolaiis of
Antioch who was one of the seven men appointed in the early days
of the Jerusalem church to attend to the administration of charity.
Acts 6 : 5. The tradition may possibly be correct. If it is correct,
then Nicolaiis, in his later life, had not justified the confidence
originally reposed in him.
At the first mention of the Nicolaitans, in the letter to Ephesus,
Rev. 2 : 6, nothing whatever is said about their tenets. Their
error, however, was not merely theoretical, but practical, for it was
their "works" that the Lord is represented as hating. In the letter
to Pergamum, the Nicolaitans are probably meant in v. 14. Like
Balaam, they enticed the people of God to idolatry and impurity.
The form which their idolatry took was the eating of meats offered
to idols. The question of meats offered to idols was no simple
matter. In the First Epistle to the Corinthians Paul had per-
mitted the eating of such meats under certain circumstances, but
had sternly forbidden it wherever it involved real or supposed
participation in idolatrous worship. The form in which it was
favored by the Nicolaitans evidently fell under the latter category.
In a time of persecution, the temptation to guilty compromise with
heathenism must have been insidious; and also the low morality of
the Asian cities threatened ever and again to drag Christian people
back into the impure life of the world.
In the letter to Thyatira, also, "the woman Jezebel" is apparently
208 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
to be connected with the same sect, for the practical faults in
Thyatira and in Pergamum were identical. Jezebel, the Phoenician
wife of Ahab, was, like Balaam, a striking Old Testament example
of one who led Israel into sin. It is significant that the woman
Jezebel in Thyatira called herself a prophetess. Rev. 2 : 20. This
circumstance seems to indicate that the Nicolaitans had excused
their moral laxness by an appeal to special revelations. The im-
pression is confirmed by v. 24. Apparently the Nicolaitans had
boasted of their knowledge of the "deep things," and had despised
the simple Christians who contented themselves with a holy life.
At any rate, whatever particular justification the Nicolaitans
advanced for their immoral life, they could not deceive the all-
searching eye of Christ. Their "deep things" were deep things,
not of God, but of Satan!
Who is meant by "the woman Jezebel"? Some interpreters, who
suppose that the "angel" of the church was the bishop, regard
Jezebel as a designation of the bishop's wife. This whole inter-
pretation is, however, beset with serious difficulty. Perhaps "the
woman Jezebel" does not refer to an individual at all, but is simply
a figurative designation of the Nicolaitan sect. The description of
the coming retribution in vs. 21-23 seems to be highly figurative.
It will be observed that the sin of the churches at Pergamum and
Thyatira was not limited to those who actually accepted the
Nicolaitan teaching. Even to endure the presence of the guilty
sect was the object of the Lord's rebuke. Toward the works of the
Nicolaitans only hatred was in place. Rev. 2 : 6. That is a
solemn lesson for modern indifferentism. Tolerance is good; but
there are times when it is a deadly sin.
In the Library. — Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 274, 308-312. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (supple-
mented), article on "Revelation." M'Clymont, "The New Testament
and Its Writers," pp. 150-155. Milligan, "Lectures on the Apocalypse"
and "Discussions on the Apocalypse." Ellicott, "A New Testament
Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 523-641: Carpenter,
"The Revelation of St. John." Ramsay, "The Letters to the Seven
Churches of Asia." Plumptre, "A Popular Exposition of the Epistles
to the Seven Churches of Asia." Swete, "The Apocalypse of St.
John." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp.
384-449. The two last-named works are intended primarily for those
who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
LESSON XXXVIII
A VISION OF THE FINAL TRIUMPH
The Book of Revelation (Second Lesson)
1. THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE APOCALYPSE
The interpretations of the Apocalypse may be divided into
four classes.
(1) Unfulfilled Prophecies. — According to one method of inter-
pretation, the prophecies of the book are all unfulfilled. In the
last days there will be a mighty revival of evil like that which is
symbolized by the dragon and the beast and the false prophet, there
will be plagues and woes like those which are described in connec-
tion with the seals and the trumpets and the bowls, and there will
be a triumph of God's people and an eternal blessedness of the new
Jerusalem. This interpretation would place the Apocalypse out of
analogy with the other prophecies of the Bible. Prophecy is seldom
out of all connection with the immediate present. Even where the
prophetic vision reaches to the very end of time, the fulfillment or
the preparation for the fulfillment is usually represented as begin-
ning at once. In the Apocalypse, as in other prophecy, there is
evident reference to the circumstances of the original readers.
(2) Contemporary Events. — A second method of interpretation
goes to an opposite extreme. By this method the prophecies of the
book are thought to be concerned merely with events of the writer's
own age. "The beast" is the Roman Empire; "Babylon" is the
city of Rome; the author expected the destruction of both to take
place within a few years' time. In its thoroughgoing form this
interpretation also is to be rejected. It degrades the Apocalypse
to the level of a mistaken prediction, and reduces the self-evidencing
glories of the book to trivialities. Evidently the outlook of the seer
was far broader and far more spiritual than it is represented by the
advocates of this interpretation.
(3) The Whole History of the Church. — By a third method of
interpretation, the first two methods are combined. The book is
written distinctly in view of conditions of the first century, its
predictions concern partly the immediate future; but there is also
Sen. T. m. 3. 200
210 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
an outlook upon remoter ages. By this interpretation the proph-
ecies are held to provide an epitome of the whole of history from
the first coming of Christ to his second coming.
(4) Mixture of Discordant Traditions. — A fourth method of in-
terpretation, which has become influential in very recent years,
abandons all hope of discovering a unitary message in the book, and
proceeds to divide it into its component parts. The analysis was
carried on first by literary criticism. An older work of the time of
Nero was supposed to have been revised at a later period; or non-
Christian Jewish works were supposed to have been incorporated
in the present work by a Christian compiler. This sort of literary
criticism has in the last few years given place sometimes to a subtler
method. Investigation is now directed to the materials of which
the book is composed, whether those materials were embodied in
previous literary works or only in previous traditions. The ulti-
mate source of much of the material is found in Babylonia or other
eastern countries; this material is thought to be not always in accord
with the context into which in our Apocalypse it has been introduced.
This method must emphatically be rejected. It contains, indeed,
an element of truth. Undoubtedly the Apocalypse makes use of
already-existing materials. But these materials are, for the most
part at least, of genuinely Hebrew origin; and they have been
thoroughly assimilated for the purposes of the present prophecy.
The Apocalypse is not a compilation full of contradictions, but a
unitary work, with one great message for the Church.
(5) Wrong Use of the Third Method. — Of these four methods of
interpretation the third has been adopted in the Student's Text
Book. The prophecies of the Apocalypse concern the entire history
of the Church. Undoubtedly this interpretation is subject to
abuse. It has been employed in the interests of special con-
troversy, as when the Protestants saw in the scarlet woman a
representation of papal Rome.
(6) Principles, Not Individual Facts. — All such abuses may be
avoided, however, if the interpreter will remember that the book
deals with great principles, rather than with individual facts.
The beast is neither the Roman Catholic Church, nor the religion
of Mohammed, nor the Turkish Empire. Undoubtedly it expressed
itself in some phases of each of those institutions. But no one of
them can be identified with it outright. The beast of the Apocalypse
is nothing less than the blatant, godless power of worldly empire,
however that power may be manifested. At the time of John it
A VISION OF THE FINAL TRIUMPH 211
was manifested especially in the empire of Rome. Even Rome,
however, cannot be identified with the beast entirely without
qualification. Even Rome had its beneficent side. John as well
as Paul, even in the fire of persecution, might have expressed the
thought of Rom. 13 : 1-7. Peter also wrote in the midst of per-
secution; yet Peter could say, "Be subject to every ordinance of
man for the Lord's sake: whether to the king, as supreme; or unto
governors, as sent by him for vengeance on evil-doers and for praise
to them that do well." I Peter 2 : 13, 14.
The other side of Rome's power, it is true, was prominent at the
close of the first century. More systematically than before, Rome
had begun to persecute the Church of God. By the demand of
emperor-worship she had tried to put her stamp upon the followers
of Jesus. Through her priesthood she had endeavored to lead men
astray. In these things she was a manifestation of the beast. As
such she was execrated and resisted to the death by every loyal
Christian. There could be no hope of compromise. Hope lay
rather in the power of God. God would give the just reward; God
would give the final victory. Such was the message of the
Apocalypse.
The message is of perennial value. The beast is not yet dead.
His methods are different, but still he oppresses the Church.
Wherever his power is felt — whether in ruthless oppression or
impious warfare or degrading superstition — there the prophecy of
John is a comfort and an inspiration to the people of God.
Undoubtedly this method of interpretation, which detects in the
book principles rather than individual facts, involves a reduction
in the amount of direct information which the Apocalypse may be
thought to give. A detailed account, whether of the progress of the
Church, or of the final catastrophe, is by this interpretation no
longer found in the book.
2. THE THOUSAND YEARS
At one point at least, this conclusion has been regarded by many
devout Christians as involving a serious loss. That point is con-
cerned with the thousand years of Rev. 20 : 1-8. According to the
interpretation that has just been advocated, the thousand years are
merely a symbol for the time of the present Christian dispensation,
and the rule which the saints are represented as bearing with Christ
probably refers to the condition of the blessed dead up to the final
resurrection. To many devout readers of the Bible this interpreta-
212 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
tion seems to be an impoverishment of the prophet's words. In
reality, they maintain, the passage predicts a return of Jesus to
earth before the final judgment, and a long period of his blessed sway.
Undoubtedly this more literal interpretation of the millennium
seems at first sight to be required by certain phrases of the passage.
But the highly figurative character of apocalyptic language must
always be borne in mind. Numbers, in the Apocalypse, are usually
symbolic; so it may be with the thousand years. During the
present dispensation Satan is in one sense bound, and in another
sense he is free. In principle he has been conquered; but in the
sphere of worldly power he continues to work his wrathful will.
3. THE CHRISTIAN HOPE
One thing at least is clear. No interpretation of the Apocalypse
is correct if it fails to do justice to the hope of Christ's return. If
the figurative interpretation weakens our expectation of that dread
meeting with the Lord, then it is untrue to the mind of the Spirit.
There are difficulties connected with the idea of a literal millennium;
but such difficulties are inconsiderable in comparison with those
that result from any rationalizing, any explaining away, of the
universal Christian hope. The Apocalypse, according to any
right interpretation, is a vision of final triumph.
That triumph is a triumph of Christ. Back of all the lurid
imagery of the book, back of the battles and the woes, and back of
the glories of God's people, stands the figure of the Saviour. With
him the book began, and with him, too, it ends. He is the same
who lived the life of mercy and of glory on earth, the same who died
for our sins on the cross. To the Lamb all power is given — all
power in heaven and on earth. By him all enemies are conquered;
by him the whole earth will be judged. To those who bear the
mark of the beast he is an Avenger; to his Church he is an ever-
living Saviour.
In the Library. — The reading suggested under Lesson XXXVII
is intended for both of the lessons on the Apocalypse.
LESSON XXXIX
REVIEW
This review lesson is fully as important as any other lesson of the
first three quarters. Without reviewing, the study of history is
unproductive; only a review can make of the facts a permanent
possession. The story of the apostolic age, as it is narrated in the
work of Luke, is really very simple; it becomes confusing only when
it is imperfectly mastered. A little time spent in turning over the
pages of the Lucan narrative, or even of the Student's Text Book,
will accomplish wonders.
1. UNANSWERED QUESTIONS
The New Testament account of the apostolic age is indeed only
fragmentary. Many questions must be left unanswered. Of the
original twelve apostles only Peter and the sons of Zebedee and Judas
Iscariot receive in The Acts anything more than a bare mention;
and even the most prominent of these disappears after the fifteenth
chapter. What did Paul do in Arabia and in Tarsus? What was
the origin of the great church at Alexandria? Who founded the
church at Rome? These questions, and many like them, must
forever remain unanswered.
If, moreover, even the period covered by The Acts is obscure, far
deeper is the darkness after the guiding hand of Luke has been
withdrawn. For the death of the apostle Paul, there is only a
meager tradition; the latter years of Peter are even more obscure.
For the important period between the release of Paul after his first
Roman imprisonment and the death of the apostle John at about
the end of the first century, anything like a connected narrative is
quite impossible.
2. THE NERONIAN PERSECUTION
A few facts, however, may still be established. The Roman
historian Tacitus tells of a persecution of the Christians at Rome at
the time of the burning of the city in A. D. 64. The emperor Nero,
suspected of starting the fire, sought to remove suspicion from him-
self by accusing the Christians. The latter had already become
Sen. T. III. 3. 213
214 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
unpopular because of their peculiar ways, and were thought to be
guilty of abominable crimes; but the cruelty of Nero almost exceeded
the wishes of the populace. The Christians were put to death under
horrible tortures. Many were burned, and their burning bodies
served as torches to illumine the emperor's gardens.
The beheading of Paul has often been brought into connection
with this persecution, but more probably it occurred a few years
later. Paul had been released from his first imprisonment, and his
second imprisonment, at the time of the Neronian outbreak, had
not yet begun.
The extent of the Neronian persecution cannot be determined
with certainty. Probably, however, although there was no syste-
matic persecution throughout the empire, the provinces would not
be altogether unaffected by what was happening at Rome. The
causes of popular and official disfavor were always present; it re-
quired only a slight occasion to bring them actively into play.
3. THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM
Even more important than the Roman persecution of A. D. 64
was the destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. At the outbreak of
the war which culminated in that catastrophe, the Jerusalem
Christians took refuge in Pella, east of the Jordan; Jerusalem ceased
to be the center of the Christian Church. After the war, the
Jerusalem church never regained its old position of leadership; and
specifically Jewish Christianity, suffering by the destruction of the
national Jewish life, ceased to be influential in Christian history.
4. THE PROGRESS OF THE GOSPEL
From the years between the destruction of Jerusalem and the
closing years of the century, scarcely any definite incidents can be
enumerated. Undoubtedly the missionary activity of the Church
was continuing; the gospel was making rapid progress in its conquest
of the empire. In this missionary activity probably many of the
twelve apostles were engaged; but details of their work are
narrated for the most part only in late tradition.
5. JOHN AT EPHESUS
At some time — whether before or after A. D. 70 is uncertain — the
apostle John went to Ephesus, and there became the leader of the
Asian church. Detailed information about his position and the
churches under his care is provided not only in trustworthy tradi-
Sen. T. m. 3.
REVIEW 215
tion — especially that which comes through Irenaeus from Poly carp,
the hearer of John— but also in the writings of John himself. The
two shorter epistles of John, though each embraces only a small page,
are extraordinarily rich in information about congregational matters,
and even more instructive are the seven messages of the Apocalypse.
By means of the latter the moral condition of the church in Asia
Minor is characterized with a vividness that is scarcely to be
paralleled for any other period of the apostolic age.
6. THE PERSECUTION UNDER DOMITIAN
During the latter part of the residence of John in Asia Minor
there was an important event in the history of the Church. This
was the outbreak of the persecution under Domitian — a persecution
which apparently exceeded in extent, if not in severity, every per-
secution that had preceded it. Under Domitian the Roman
authorities became definitely hostile; apostasy from Christ was
apparently demanded systematically of the Christians— apostasy
from Christ and adhesion to the imperial cult. The latter, in the
Apocalypse, is represented as an example of the mark of "the
beast"; the Roman Empire, as would have been unnatural in the
days of Paul, appears in that book as an incorporation of Satanic
power. The long conflict between the Church and the empire had
at last begun. Which side would be victorious? In the Apocalypse
the answer is plain. The Lord himself was fighting for his Church!
7. THE NEW TESTAMENT GOSPEL
Our knowledge of the apostolic age, though fragmentary, is
sufficient — sufficient not indeed for a complete history, but for the
requirements of Christian faith. The information provided in the
New Testament makes up in quality for what it lacks in quantity.
Its extraordinary vividness and concreteness possesses a self-
evidencing value. The life of the apostle Paul — revealed with
unmistakable fidelity — is itself a sufficient bulwark against historical
skepticism; it involves inevitably the supernatural Christ. The
gospel is no aspiration in the hearts of dreamers; it is a real entrance
of divine power into the troubled battle field of human history.
God was working in the apostolic Church, God is speaking in the
New Testament — there is the summation of our study.
Sen. t. m. 3.
PART IV I
The Apostolic Church and the
Church of To-Day
LESSON XL
THE CHURCH AND THE WORLD
The apostolic Church, as was observed in the Student's Text
Book, found itself from the beginning in the midst of an environ-
ment more or less actively hostile. If we had been in Jerusalem at
about the year 30, we should have observed a small group of dis-
ciples of Jesus, outwardly conforming to Jewish customs, but
inwardly quite different from their countrymen. In Corinth and
in other pagan cities of the Greco-Roman world, the contrast be-
tween the Church and its environment was even more striking;
these cities were sunk in superstition and vice; the Church was
leading, in the eyes of the world, a very peculiar life.
The presence of a common enemy led in the apostolic age to a
closer union among the Christians themselves, and so it will always
be. When Christian people realize the power of the enemy against
whom they are all fighting, then they will have no time to fight
among themselves. The Christian life is a warfare against sin —
sin in a thousand deadly forms. In such a warfare, if we are to be
good soldiers, we must all stand shoulder to shoulder.
The apostolic Church was waging an audacious warfare against
the intrenched forces of heathenism and sin. Fortunately it had a
Leader; and by that Leader alone it won the victory. The Leader
was Christ. The primary relation of the soldier is the relation to
the commander; the relation of the individual soldiers to one an-
other is dependent upon that. So we shall study to-day the lord-
ship of Christ; by that study, the work of the whole quarter will be
introduced.
1. TERMS DESCRIPTIVE OF DISCIPLESHIP
The lordship of Christ may profitably be studied by an examina-
tion of some of the various names which in the New Testament are
applied to the Church and its individual members. The individual
titles should be studied first. After all, the Church exists for the
individual believer rather than the individual believer for the
Church. The primary relation is the relation between Christ and
the individual soul. Brotherhood comes only through the union
of individuals with a common Lord.
219
220 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
(l) "Christians." — Probably the first title that occurs to us to-
day to designate the individual members of the Church is the title
"Christian"; yet as a matter of fact that title appears only three
times in the New Testament, and then only as it was taken from
the lips of unbelievers. In accordance with the explicit testimony
of Acts 11 : 26, the name was given for the first time at Antioch;
it had no place, therefore, in the early Jerusalem church. A
moment's thought will reveal the reason. The name "Christians"
would have meant to a Jew adherents of the "Christ," or the
"Messiah." Obviously no Jew would have applied such a name
specifically to the disciples of Jesus; for all the Jews, in one sense
or another, were adherents of the Messiah. The Jews were
adherents of him by way of anticipation; the disciples thought
he had already appeared; but all earnest Jews alike would have
rejoiced to be called by his name.
Evidently the name was applied in Antioch by the pagan popu-
lation. The Church had become so clearly separate from Judaism
that a separate name for it was required. The name "Christian"
suggested itself very naturally. "Jesus Christ" was forever on the
lips of these strange enthusiasts! "The Christ" was indeed also
spoken of by the Jews, but only careful observers would necessarily
be aware of the fact. The Messianic hope was an internal concern
of the synagogues, with which outsiders would usually have little
to do. The new sect, on the other hand, brought the title
"Christ" out from its seclusion; "Christ" to these enthusiasts
was something more than a title, it was becoming almost a proper
name; like "Jesus," it was a designation of the Founder of the sect,
and accordingly the adjective derived from it could be used to
designate the sect itself.
In Acts 26 : 28, the name appears as used by Agrippa; in I Peter
4 : 16, also, it is evidently taken from the lips of the opponents of
the faith. The Christians, however, Peter implies, need not be
ashamed of the name which has been fastened upon them. Rather
let them strive to be worthy of it! It is the highest honor to be
called by the name of Christ; and if they are true "Christians,"
their confession will redound to the glory of God.
In modern times, the name is often misapplied; the use of it is
broadened and weakened. Nations are declared to be Christian
although only a very small percentage of their citizens really deserve
the name; teaching is called Christian though it is only similar in
some respects to the teaching of Christ. Such a use of terms
THE CHURCH AND THE WORLD 221
should be avoided wherever possible; the original poignancy of the
designation should be restored. Properly speaking, "Christian"
means not "like Christ" but "subject to Christ." A Christian
is not one who admires Christ or is impressed with Christ's teach-
ing or tries to imitate Christ, but one to whom Christ is Saviour
and Lord.
Are we willing to be known as "Christians" in that sense? At
the time of First Peter, it would have been a serious question; an
affirmative answer would have meant persecution and perhaps
death. But it is also a serious question to-day. Confession of
Christ involves solemn responsibilities; dishonor to the "Chris-
tian" means dishonor to Christ; the unworthy servant is a dishonor
to his Master. But let us not fear; Christ is Helper as well as Lord.
(2) "Disciples." — The earliest designation of the [followers of
Jesus was "disciples" or "learners"; during the earthly ministry
perhaps scarcely any other designation was commonly used.
Jesus appeared at first as a teacher; the form of his work was some-
what like that of other teachers of the Jews. Nevertheless, although
he was a teacher from the beginning, he was also from the be-
ginning something more. He had not only authority, but also
power; he was not only Teacher, but also Saviour. His followers
were not merely instructed, but were received into fellowship; and
that fellowship made of them new men. "Disciples" in the Gospels
is more than "learners" or "students"; it is a fine, warm, rich word;
the Teacher was also Friend and Lord.
The same term was continued in the early Palestinian Church,
and the resurrection had brought an incalculable enrichment of its
meaning. The "disciples" were not merely those who remembered
the words of Jesus, but those who had been redeemed by his blood
and were living now in the power of his Holy Spirit. If we use the
term, let it be in the same lofty sense. Let us be learners, indeed;
let us hear the words of Jesus, as they are recorded in the Gospels;
but let us hear them not from a dead teacher, but ever anew from
the living Lord.
(3) "Saints." — A third designation is "saints." This term is
used as a title of the Christians in Acts 9 : 13, 32, 41; 26 : 10, and
frequently in the epistles of Paul and in the Apocalypse. Its use
in the New Testament is very different from some uses of it that
appeared at a later time. The Roman Catholics, for example,
employ the term as a title of honor for a number of persons carefully
limited by the Church; Protestants often designate by it persons
222 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS;
of exceptional purity or goodness. In the New Testament, on the
contrary, the title "saints" is clearly applied to all Christians.
In the original Greek the word is exactly the same as a word
meaning "holy"; it is simply the adjective "holy" used as a noun.
"Saints," therefore, really means "holy persons." Unfortunately,
however, the word "holy," as well as the word "saint"' has under-
gone modifications of usage. "Holy," in the Bible, is not sim-
ply another word for "good" or "righteous," but expresses a some-
what different idea. It has the idea of "sacred" or "separate" — ■
separate from the world. God is holy not merely because he is
good, but because he is separate. Undoubtedly his goodness is
one attribute — perhaps the chief attribute — that constitutes the
separateness ; but other attributes also have their place. His
omnipotence and his infinitude, as well as his goodness, make
him "holy."
The word "holy" or "saint" as applied to Christians has funda-
mentally the same meaning. Believers are "holy" because they
are in communion with the holy God and therefore separate from
the world. Undoubtedly the most obvious element in their sepa-
rateness is their goodness; the moral implications of the term
"holy" are sometimes so prominent that the specific meaning of
the word seems obscured. But that specific meaning is probably
never altogether lost. Christians are called "saints" because they
are citizens, not of the present evil world, but of a heavenly
kingdom.
The familiar word, thus interpreted, has a startling lesson for the
modern Church. Can modern Christians be called "saints," in
the New Testament sense? Are we really separate from the world?
Are we really "a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy
nation, a peculiar people" (A. V.)? Do we really feel ourselves to
be strangers and pilgrims in the earth? Or are we rather salt that
has lost its savor? Have we become merged in the life of the world?
(4) "Brethren." — A fourth designation is concerned, not with the
relation of the believer to Christ or to the world, but with the
relation of believers among themselves. That designation is
"brethren." It is a very simple word; it requires little explanation;
the rich meaning of it will be unfolded in the whole of this quarter's
study.
(5) "Church." — After studying the New Testament terms that
denote the disciples of Jesus individually, it will now be well to turn
for a moment to the chief designation of the body of disciples con-
THE CHURCH AND THE WORLD 223
sidered as a unit. That designation is "church," or in the Greek
form, "ecclesia."
The word "ecclesia" is in itself a very simple term indeed. It is
derived from the verb "call" and the preposition "out." An
"ecclesia" is a body of persons called out from their houses to a
common meeting place, in short it is simply an "assembly," and an
assembly of any kind. This simple use of the word is found in
Acts 19 : 32, 39, 41; the Greek word which is there translated
"assembly" is exactly the same word as that which is elsewhere
translated "church."
Even before New Testament times, however, the word had begun
to be used in a special, religious sense. Here, as so often, the
Septuagint translation of the Old Testament prepared the way for
New Testament usage. In the Septuagint the word "ecclesia"
was used to denote the solemn assembly of the people of Israel.
That assembly was of course religious as well as political; for
Israel was a theocratic nation. Hence it was no abrupt transition
from previous usage when the New Testament writers selected the
word "ecclesia" to denote the Christian congregation.
In the New Testament, the word is used in various ways. In the
first place, it designates the body of Christians who lived in any
particular place. So, for example, the epistles of Paul are addressed
to individual "churches." In the second place, however, the word
designates the whole body of Christians throughout the world.
This usage is prominent in the Epistle to the Ephesians, but it also
appears even in the Gospels, in the memorable words of Jesus at
Caesarea Philippi. Matt. 16 : 18. It is a wonderfully grand con-
ception which is thus disclosed by the familiar word. "The Church"
is a chosen people, ruled by the Lord himself, a mighty army,
engaged, not in earthly warfare, but in a spiritual campaign of
salvation and love.
(6) "The Kingdom of God." — One further conception requires
at least a word. What is meant by "the kingdom of God"? This
conception is evidently related to the conception of "the Church,"
but the two are not identical. The kingdom of God is simply that
place or that condition where God rules. As the kingdom of Caesar
was the territory over which Caesar held sway, so the kingdom of
God is the realm where God's will is done. In one sense, of course,
the kingdom of God embraces the whole universe, for nothing is
beyond the reach of God's power. But in the New Testament the
term is used in a far deeper sense; it is used to denote the realm
224 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
where God's will is done, not of necessity, but by willing submission.
Wherever human hearts and wills are in true accord with the will
of God, there the "kingdom" has come.
In one sense the kingdom of God belongs to the future age. It is
never realized fully upon earth; there is here always some lurking
trace of sinful resistance. Nevertheless, in the New Testament the
kingdom is by no means always represented as future. Though
it has not yet been fully realized, it is already present in principle;
it is present especially in the Church. The Church gives clear,
though imperfect, expression to the idea of the kingdom ; the Church
is a people whose ruler is God.
Entrance into the Church is not to be obtained by human effort;
it is the free gift of God through the Lord Jesus Christ. No other
gift is so glorious. If we are members of that chosen people, we
need fear nothing in heaven or on earth.
2. PRACTICAL CONCLUSIONS
Two lessons should be conveyed by our study of to-day: in the
first place the lesson of separateness, and in the second place the
lesson of unity. Neither can be truly learned without the other.
There can be no true Christian unity if individual members of the
Christian body make common cause with the unbelieving world.
A knowledge of the common enemy will draw us all into closer
fellowship. That fellowship need not necessarily be expressed in a
common organization ; but it will be expressed at least in a common
service. Separateness from the world will not mean leaving the
world to its fate; the Christian salvation will be offered freely to all.
But the gravity of the choice should never, by any false urbanity,
be disguised. It is no light difference whether a man is within the
people of God or without; there is a definite line of demarcation,
and the passing of it means the transition from death into life.
In The Library. — Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Church," "Disciple," "Christian." Hastings, "Dictionary of the
Bible": Gayford, article on "Church." Hort, "The Christian Eccle-
sia." Charteris, "The Church of Christ." Westcott, "The Two
Empires: The Church and the World," in "The Epistles of St. John,"
pp. 250-282. "The Epistle to Diognetus," introduction and transla-
tion in Lightfoot, "The Apostolic Fathers," pp. 487-489, 501-51 1.
Erdman, "Coming to the Communion."
LESSON XLI
THE CHRISTIAN MESSAGE
1. A PHILOSOPHY, OR A TESTIMONY?
In the Student's Text Book the Christian message has been*
represented as primarily a piece of good news, a story of something
that happened. That representation does not pass unchallenged
to-day. Many suppose that the message of the apostles was con-
cerned simply with reflection upon eternal truths. For centuries,
it is said in effect, men had been reflecting upon the problems of God
and the world and sin; what the apostles did in Jerusalem and else-
where was simply to provide better instruction on these great
themes; Jesus had taught men that God is a Father, the apostles
simply continued his teaching.
Such a view, of course, can be held only by rejecting or distorting
the testimony of the New Testament. If the book of The Acts is
correct, if Paul is correct, then the preaching that founded the
apostolic Church was not better instruction about old facts, but
information about a new fact. Before Jesus came, the world was
lost under sin; but Jesus lived and died and rose again, and gave
salvation to all who would receive. According to the New Testa-
ment, Jesus did not come to tell men that they were God's children;
he came to make them God's children. John 1 : 12; Gal. 4 : 3-5.
Without him they were under God's wrath and curse; but by faith
in him, by acceptance of his sacrifice of himself for them, by re-
ceiving from his Spirit the power to believe, they could call God
Father. On the day of Pentecost Jesus was presented as more than
a Teacher ; he was presented as a Saviour.
2. THE EFFECTS OF THE MESSAGE
(1) In the Apostolic Age. — The effects of that presentation have
been considered briefly in the Student's Text Book, and what was
said there might easily be supplemented. The conversion of the
three thousand was only a beginning. The new spirit of the
Christian community, the brotherly love and holy joy of the dis-
ciples, indeed everything that will be treated in the lessons of the
Sen. T. III. L 22$
226 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
quarter, were the result of a simple piece of news. By the wise men
of the world — then as now — the message was despised, but "the
foolishness of God is wiser than men; and the weakness of God is
stronger than men." I Cor. 1 : 25.
This lesson offers a singular opportunity to the teacher. The
Christian message in the apostolic Church was a message of power.
The story of its progress is full of dramatic vigor; it appeals even
to the non-Christian historian. The story of the apostolic age is
full of surprises — the sudden transformation of bitter Jewish
enemies into humble disciples; the triumphant spread of the faith
when everything seemed opposed; the establishment of Christian
churches in the very centers of pagan vice; the astonishingly rapid
preparation for the conquest of the empire; and all this accomplished
not by worldly wisdom, but by simple men who only had a bit of
news — a bit of news, and God!
(2) In the History of the Church. — The triumphs of the gospel,
however, were not confined to the age of the apostles. The
apostolic age was prophetic of the Christian centuries. There
were many days of darkness; but the Church always emerged
again triumphant. So it will be to-day. God has not deserted
his people; he will attest his truth with the power of his Spirit;
there is no room for discouragement. One thing, however, should be
remembered ; the victories of the Church are victories, not of brilliant
preachers, not of human wisdom or human goodness, but of
the cross of Christ. Under that banner all true conquests move.
3. THE PRESENTATION OF THE MESSAGE
The Christian message was presented in the apostolic Church
in many different ways. The gospel was everywhere essentially
the same, but the presentation of it was adapted to the needs of
particular hearers, and the understanding of it became ever more
complete under the illumination of the Holy Spirit. It is interesting
to collect the various types of missionary speeches that are found in
the New Testament.
(1) The Missionary Preaching of the Jerusalem Church. — The
early chapters of The Acts preserve a number of speeches that were
addressed to Jews. As might have been expected, these speeches
are intended primarily to prove the Messiahship of Jesus. If that
could be proved, then — among the Jews — the rest would follow.
The Messiahship was proved first by an appeal to the Scriptures, and
second by the fact of the resurrection. Even the death of Jesus on
THE CHRISTIAN MESSAGE 227
the cross, which was to the Jews a stumblingblock, was predicted
by the prophets, and so served to prove that Jesus was the promised
One. The resurrection was also predicted; and the resurrection
was established first by the simple testimony of eyewitnesses and
second by the wonderful works of the living Christ.
These early speeches contain only a little of the full truth of the
gospel. In them, for example, the significance of the death of
Christ as an atonement for sin is not fully explained. Such
omissions were due no doubt to two causes.
(a) Limitations Due to the Hearers. — In the first place, the
peculiar needs of the hearers had to be considered. The hearers
were Jews; to them the death of the Messiah was an unheard-of
paradox; to them the cross was a stumblingblock. Before the inner
meaning of the crucifixion could be explained, obviously the ob-
jections derived from it needed to be overcome. The first task of
the missionaries was to show that Jesus, although he had been
crucified, was the Messiah. That was done by an appeal to proph-
ecy and to the plain fact of the resurrection. After conviction
had thus been produced, it would be time enough to show that
what was at first regarded as a stumblingblock was really the
supreme act of divine grace.
(b) Limitations Due to an Early Stage of Revelation. — The
omissions in the early speeches were due, however, not merely to
the peculiar needs of the hearers, but also to limitations in the
knowledge of the apostles. Christian truth was not all revealed at
once; undoubtedly the full explanation of the cross, the full exposi-
tion of the atonement, was revealed only when the disciples could
bear it. Such is the divine method, even in revelation. The
disciples were brought gradually, by the gracious leading of the
Holy Spirit, into ever richer knowledge of the truth.
(c) The Significance of the Cross. — Nevertheless, the meagerness
of the early teaching must not be exaggerated. In the very first
missionary speech of Peter, Jesus was represented as "delivered up
by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God." Acts 2 : 23.
What happened "by the determinate counsel ... of God" was
no meaningless chance ; the crucifixion was not a victory of evil over
God, it must have had some beneficent purpose. Furthermore,
Jesus himself had explained what that purpose was. He had
spoken of giving his life a ransom for many, Mark 10 : 45 ; still
more plainly, on the last solemn passover evening, he had repre-
sented his death as sacrificial. These words were certainly not
228 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
forgotten in the Jerusalem church; they were called to mind in the
repeated celebration of the Lord's Supper, and must have formed the
subject of meditation. The Jerusalem Christians knew that Jesus'
death was a death on their behalf.
(d) The Lordship of Jesus. — The lordship of Jesus, moreover,
was fully recognized from the very beginning. The risen Christ
had ascended into glory, and had poured forth his mighty Spirit.
The believer was no mere learner of the words of a dead teacher; he
was called into communion with a Lord and Saviour. Such com-
munion meant nothing less than an entirely new life, in which sin
could have no rightful place. It was a life of conflict, but also a
life of hope. The Saviour would come again in like manner as he
had gone. The spiritual victory, already won, would be perfected
by a final victory in every realm.
(2) The Missionary Preaching of Paul. — The gospel of the early
preachers was a glorious message. It was a piece of glad tidings,
such as the world had never known. Yet even greater things were
in store; even more wondrous mysteries were to be revealed. They
were revealed especially through the instrumentality of the apostle
Paul. The gospel had been preached from the beginning, but much
of its deeper meaning was reserved for Paul.
(a) Truth and Error. — In the teaching of Paul, truth became
plainer by being contrasted with error. The original apostles had
really been trusting in the atonement of Christ for salvation; but
now that trust became plainer and more explicit by being con-
trasted with works of the law. The original apostles had really
grasped the inner significance of Jesus as the fulfillment of the Old
Testament; but now that significance became still plainer by the
contrast with Pharisaic legality. Now at length the death and
resurrection were represented sharply and clearly as great representa-
tive acts in which the believer shares through faith. The original
apostles were not overwhelmed and confused by the new revelation ;
they recognized the grace of God. Their perfect agreement with
Paul exhibited the unity of the apostolic gospel.
Scarcely anything would be more interesting than a full collection
of the missionary speeches of Paul. Such a collection, however,
has not been preserved. The writings that we possess from the
hand of Paul are not missionary addresses, but letters written to
those who were already Christians. We should not, however,
complain of the providence of God. God has not thought good
to give us everything, but what he has given us is enough.
THE CHRISTIAN MESSAGE 229
(b) Information Provided by The Acts. — The book of The Acts,
in the first place, affords valuable information. The author was
interested, indeed, chiefly in beginnings. The examples of Paul's
missionary preaching which Luke has preserved, are perhaps
preliminary to evangelism, rather than evangelism itself. The
speech at Pisidian Antioch shows how Paul proved the Messiahship
of Jesus. In winning the Jews, that proof was the first step. The
Pauline gospel indeed appears, but it appears only at the very end
of the speech. The speech at Athens is still more clearly of pre-
liminary character. Monotheism needed to be established before
l he gospel of Christ could be understood. Despite their necessary
limitations however, these speeches are instructive. They show,
in the first place, that Paul adapted his preaching to the needs of his
hearers. He did not preach the same sermon mechanically to all.
He sought really to win men over, he began with what his hearers
could understand. They show, in the second place, that all pre-
liminary matters were kept strictly subordinate. These matters
were not made an end in themselves, ,as is often the case in the
modern Church, but were merely a means to an end. No matter
where he began, Paul always proceeded quickly to the center of
the gospel. Both at Pisidian Antioch and at Athens, he hastened
on to the resurrection.
(c) Information Provided by the Epistles. — The Pauline Epistles,
in the second place, though they are addressed to Christians, really
afford sufficient information, at least in outline, about the mis-
sionary preaching of Paul. Incidental references are sufficient to
show at least that the cross and the resurrection were the center and
core of it. The Thessalonians, for example, under the preaching of
Paul, "turned unto God from idols, to serve a living and true God,
and to wait for his Son from heaven, whom he raised from the dead,
even Jesus, who delivereth us from the wrath to come." This little
passage is worth pages of exposition. Preaching to Gentiles is here
reviewed in epitome, though of course not with studied symmetry
and completeness. The knowledge of the one true God formed of
course, for Gentiles, the starting point for all the rest, but from that
starting point the preacher at once proceeded to tell of the
work of Christ. Just as illuminating are passages like I Cor.
2 :2; Gal. 3:1. In Corinth Paul knew nothing save "Jesus
Christ, and him crucified"; in Galatia the story of the cross
was made so plain that it was as though Jesus Christ crucified
were held up before the eyes of the Galatians on a great picture
230 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
or placard. The famous passage in First Corinthians, ch. 15 : 1-8,
is, however, perhaps clearest of all. At the very beginning Paul
had spoken of the death of Christ and the resurrection. The
death, moreover, was not presented as a mere inspiring story of
a holy martyrdom, but as a death "for our sins"; and the resur-
rection was supported not primarily by an inward experience,
but by simple testimony.
Apostolic preaching was everywhere essentially the same. The
apostles never began, like many modern preachers, with exhortation;
though they proceeded to exhortation, they always began with
facts. What was always fundamental was the simple story of the
life and death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Jesus Christ
crucified and risen was the subject of the good news that conquered
the world. When will the modern Church take up the message with
new power? We do not know. The times are in God's hand.
But when the blessed day comes, it will be a day of victory.
In the Library. — Bunyan, "The Pilgrim's Progress." Warfield,
"The Saviour of the World," and "The Power of God Unto Salvation"
(the latter in "The Presbyterian Pulpit"). Hodge, "The Way of Life."
LESSON XLII
THE WORD AND THE SACRAMENTS
This lesson and the two following are intended primarily to en-
courage in the student the diligent use of "the means of grace."
The wise teacher will keep the practical purpose steadily in view.
That practical purpose may now be examined a little more in detail.
Why should the example of the apostolic Church be followed in the
matter of Bible-reading, of the sacraments, of prayer, of Christian
meetings? What was God's purpose in providing these simple
exercises of the Christian life — what benefit do we receive from
them? Perhaps the briefest and simplest answer is that we receive
from them what is often known as "reality" in religion.
1. REALITY IN RELIGION
Many Christians are puzzled by the lack of the sense of "reality"
in their Christian life. They have believed in Christ, but often he
seems far from them. It is not so much that positive doubts have
arisen, though certainly the lack of fervency gives doubt its oppor-
tunity. Rather is it an inexplicable dulling of the spiritual eye.
The gospel still seems wonderful to the intellect, but to the heart
it has somehow lost its power.
(1) The Need of Diligence. — This condition is due very often to a
neglect of "the means of grace," which we shall study in this lesson
and the two lessons following. It is a great mistake to suppose
that the spiritual life is altogether beyond our control. Undoubtedly
it is instituted only by an immediate exercise of the divine power,
independent of the human will; undoubtedly the maintenance of it
would be impossible without the assistance of the Holy Spirit.
Nevertheless, in that work of maintenance, we have a very definite
part. Many Christians suppose that any performance of religious
exercises merely for duty's sake, without immediate spiritual profit,
is a mere form. This supposition is erroneous. Not perform-
ance of religious exercises without spiritual profit, but per-
formance of them without the desire of spiritual profit, is formalism.
The appointed means of grace must continue to be used even when
231
232 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
no immediate benefit can be discerned. In the reading of the Bible,
in prayer, in public worship, the Christian should first of all do his
duty. The result may safely be left to God.
(2) The Danger of Neglect. — Without such attention to duty,
the Christian life becomes merely a matter of inclination. In
times of great spiritual distress we call upon God for comfort and
help; but in the long, level weeks of comparative prosperity we
think we can do without him. Such thoughts are the height of
folly. God is not our servant, he is not one who can safely be left
out of our thoughts except when we think we especially need him.
If we neglect God in time of prosperity, we may call in vain when
adversity comes.
(3) The Reward of Duty. — The religious life is not merely a matter
of inclination; it must be diligently fostered. Such attention to
duty, however, will never be merely drudgery. It may begin with
drudgery, and it may become drudgery again at times, but if per-
sisted in, it will be an ever-widening avenue of joy and power.
2. THE STUDY OF THE BIBLE
The reading of the Bible is such a simple thing, and so obviously
necessary to the Christian life, that it requires comparatively little
discussion. Despite its indispensableness, however, it is being
sadly neglected to-day. Our fathers learned the Bible with a
thoroughness which to-day is almost unknown. The change is full
of danger. A Bible-reading Church is possessed of power; without
the Bible the Church loses its identity altogether and sinks back
into the life of the world. The process, unfortunately, has gone to
considerable lengths. How may it now be checked?
(1) The Study Should Be Made Interesting. — Something, no
doubt, may be done by making the study of the Bible more interest-
ing. Certainly the Bible does not yield in interest to any other
branch of knowledge. The Bible does not merely present spiritual
truth; it presents it in a wonderfully rich and varied way. If the
study of the Bible is stupid, the fault lies not in the subject matter,
but in the student or in the teacher.
(2) The Motive of Duty. — Nevertheless, a mere appeal to the
interest of the students is entirely insufficient. After all, there is
no royal road to learning — not to Biblical learning any more than to
the learning of the world. Solid education can never be attained
without hard work; education that is easy is pretty sure to be
worthless. Especially at the beginning the chief appeal in education
THE WORD AND THE SACRAMENTS 233
must be to a sense of duty. So it is in the case of the Bible. The
Bible is the word of God ; obviously it may not be neglected. Let
us study it, then, primarily because the study of it is an obvious
duty. As a matter of fact the duty will soon become a pleasure,
but let not that be the motive. Let us read the Bible regularly and
persistently, in entire independence of changing impulse. That is
the kind of study that is blessed of God. Superficial study, deter-
mined by mere inclination, may at first sight seem just as good.
But when adversity or temptation comes, then the difference
appears. It is the difference between a house built upon the sand
and a house built upon the rock. The two houses look alike, but
when the rains descend and the floods come, one falls and the other
stands. The Christian whose knowledge of the Bible is obtained by
old-fashioned, patient study, never interrupted by changing incli-
nation, has dug deep and founded his house upon the rock.
(3) The Example of the Apostolic Church. — The example of the
apostolic Church in the matter of the means of grace is especially
significant. In the apostolic age, it might have seemed as though
these simple exercises might be dispensed with. What need of
regularly appointed forms when the Holy Spirit was so immedi-
ately manifested? Yet as a matter of fact all of the essential
forms of Christian , custom were present from the beginning.
Regularity and diligence were cherished even in the first exuberance
of the Jerusalem church. Enthusiasm of spiritual life did not lead
to the despising of ordinary helps; the early disciples "continued
stedfastly," "day by day," "with one accord in the temple, and
breaking bread at home, they took their food with gladness and
singleness of heart." Acts 2 : 46.
The use which the apostolic Church made of the Bible might seem
to some modern men particularly surprising. A book religion, men
say, is a stagnant religion; living faith is independent of dead docu-
ments; it is only when the early enthusiasm is lost that belief be-
comes crystallized in submission to venerable authority. This
sort of religious philosophy shatters on the plain facts of the
apostolic age. Admittedly that was an age of freshness and in-
dependence. There never has been such an outburst of religious
enthusiasm as that which planted the faith in Jerusalem and carried
it like wildfire throughout the civilized world. Yet another fact
is equally plain — this wonderful enthusiasm was coupled with the
utmost reverence for a book. Nothing.could exceed the unquestion-
ing submission which the early Christians paid to the Old Testa-
234 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
ment Scriptures. The exuberance of apostolic Christianity was
intertwined with a book religion!
The explanation, of course, is simple. Submission to a human
book means stagnation; but genuine submission to the Word of God
means always what it meant in the apostolic age — heroism and
victory and life.
3. BAPTISM
(1) Baptism and Circumcision. — The sacrament of baptism had
its truest predecessor in circumcision, the Old Testament sign of
union with the covenant people. Baptism as well as circumcision
is a sign of the covenant, though the varied symbolism marks the
advance of the new covenant over the old.
(2) Christian Baptism and the Baptism of John. — In form,
moreover, and to a considerable extent also in meaning, Christian
baptism in the early Church was prepared for by the baptism of
John the Baptist, which had even been continued by the disciples
of Jesus during Jesus' earthly ministry. John 4:1, 2. Both the
baptism of John and Christian baptism symbolized cleansing from
sin. Compare Acts 2 : 38 with Matt. 3 : 6, 11.
Christian baptism, however, differed from every rite that had
preceded it by its definite reference to Christ, and by its definite
connection with a new manifestation of the Holy Spirit.
(3) Baptism "Into Christ." — In the apostolic writings, baptism
is sometimes spoken of as a baptism "into Christ." Gal. 3 :27;
Rom. 6 : 3. The meaning of this phrase has often been obscured
both in translation and in interpretation. The phrase "into
Christ" in this connection means something more than "with
reference to Christ" ; it means rather "into a position within Christ."
The Christian, according to a common Pauline expression, is "in
Christ"; he is in such close union with Christ that the life of Christ
might almost be described as the atmosphere which he breathes.
To be baptized "into Christ" means to come by baptism into this
state of blessed union with the Saviour.
(4) Baptism and Faith. — At this point, however, a serious
question arises. How can baptism be described as the means by
which the Christian comes into union with Christ, when at other
times salvation is declared to be by faith? One solution of the
difficulty would be simply to say that baptism and faith are both
necessary — a man must believe if he is to be saved, but he must also
be baptized. Clearly, however, this view does not represent the
meaning of the New Testament. The passages where faith alone
THE WORD AND THE SACRAMENTS 235
is represented as the condition of salvation are too strong; especially
the vigorous contrast which Paul sets up between faith and works
prevents any inclusion of such a work as baptism along with faith
as an additional condition of acceptance with God. The true
solution is that baptism is related to faith, or rather to the regenera-
tive work of the Holy Spirit,as the sign is related to the thing
signified. Baptism represents the work of the Spirit; it is a means
which the Spirit uses. If it stood alone, it would be a meaningless
form, but when it is representative of spiritual facts it becomes a
channel of divine grace.
4. THE LORD'S SUPPER
The celebration of the Lord's Supper in the Jerusalem church
was probably connected in some way with "the breaking of bread,"
which is mentioned in Acts 2 : 42. Every common meal was an
expression of Christian communion, but the solemn words of Christ
at the Last Supper could not have been forgotten. Here, as so often,
the book of The Acts affords little information about the internal
affairs of the Church.
Fortunately, Paul, in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, is far
more explicit, and inferences can be drawn from him with regard
even to Jerusalem. Paul represents the Lord's Supper, not as an
innovation, but as something that had been given to the Corinthians
as a matter of course, at the very beginning of their Christian lives;
evidently the sacrament was celebrated universally in the churches;
Paul had "received" the account of the institution of the Supper
from the Lord through the first Christians.
In Corinth, as was also probably the case in the early days in
Jerusalem, the Supper was celebrated in connection with the com-
mon meals of the Christian community. Certain ahuses had
arisen; the rich brought food and drink with them and feasted
luxuriously in the presence of their poorer brethren; the spiritual
significance of the Supper was profaned. Against such abuses
Paul enunciates the great principle that the Supper does not work a
magical benefit; if partaken of irreverently it brings condemnation
rather than blessing.
In I Cor. 10 : 14-22, the Lord's Supper appears as a warning
against participation in heathen feasts. The pagan fellow citizens
of the Corinthian Christians, by their religious feasts, held com-
munion with idols; the Christians cannot remain with them and at
the same time commune with Christ. A man must take his choice —
236 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
either Christ or idols; he must choose either the Lord's Supper or
heathen feasts. Here the Lord's Supper appears especially as a sign
of communion with Christ, as in ch. 11 : 26 it appears especially as
a commemoration of his death. These two aspects of the Supper,
and their intimate connection with each other, should now be
explained a little more in detail.
(1) A Representation of the Death of Christ. — The Lord's Supper,
as is observed in the Student's Text Book, is representative of the
death of Christ on our behalf. In many passages of the New
Testament, the significance of that death is explained in words; in
the Lord's Supper it is represented in visible form. The Lord's
Supper is related to the story of the gospel, as the picture or the acted
representation is related to ordinary discourse. In the broken
bread and poured-out wine we not only apprehend with the
mind, but actually see the broken body and shed blood of the Lord.
Of course that does not mean, as the Roman Catholic Church
teaches, that the bread and wine are actually by a miracle, at every
celebration of the Supper, changed into the body and blood of
Christ, but only that they represent them. The very simplicity
of the sacrament should have guarded against misinterpretation.
An actual image of the dying Saviour might lead to idolatry, or
to an overemphasis upon the details of the scene on Calvary;
the simple representation that Christ ordained is enough to be
vivid, without being enough to become misleading.
(2) A Representation of Our Union with Christ. — The Supper
represents the death of Christ not as a mere drama, remote from
us, but as a death on our behalf. In the Supper we do not merely
witness the breaking of the bread and the pouring out of the wine;
we partake of the bread and wine ourselves. Plainly the symbolism
means that we who are disciples of Christ do not merely admire the
holy self-sacrifice of Christ, but rather receive the benefits of it.
We feed upon the body and blood of Christ in the high spiritual
sense that by faith we obtain from Christ's death pardon for our
sins and a fresh start in the full favor of God. These benefits we
obtain not by our own efforts, but by a free gift. It was Christ
himself who broke the bread and poured out the wine on the last
evening before the crucifixion; it is also Christ who, through his
minister, at every celebration of the sacrament, is represented as
offering to us his body and blood.
The Lord's Suoper, therefore, is not merely a commemoration of
an event in the past; it is also the symbol of a present fact. It
THE WORD AND THE SACRAMENTS 237
symbolizes the blessed communion of believers with one another
and with Christ.
5. THE SACRAMENTS MORE THAN A PROCLAMATION OF THE
GOSPEL
So far we have considered the sacraments merely as one means of
proclaiming the gospel. The Bible proclaims the gospel in words;
the sacraments proclaim it in pictures. Even if that were all, the
sacraments would be of great value. By these symbolic actions
the gospel message attains a new vividness and definiteness.
As a matter of fact, however, baptism and the Lord's Supper are
more than peculiar ways of making a vivid presentation of the gospel.
They were instituted especially by Christ, and the Holy Spirit has
connected with them a special blessing. The Spirit can use what
means he will, and he has chosen to use these. In the Lord's
Supper, for example, the Lord is really present in the midst of his
people. He is not present, indeed, in "a corporal and carnal
manner"; but his spiritual presence is a blessed fact.
The sacraments, therefore, should not be neglected. In them-
selves, when unaccompanied by faith, they are valueless; and they
are not necessary for salvation. Ordinarily, however, they are a
chosen means of blessing. When God wills, other means can take
their place, but under all ordinary circumstances they are used.
Certainly they should not be neglected without adequate cause.
They have been provided by God, and God is wiser than men.
The Lord's Supper should be received with solemnity; but some-
times young Christians have perhaps an exaggerated dread of it.
The error of the Corinthian Christians should indeed be carefully
avoided; wanton carelessness in the solemn act will of course bring
the condemnation of God. But the Supper does not demand per-
fection, even in faith; on the contrary it is intended to help to
remove imperfection. The Lord's Supper is not a dangerous bit
of magic, where any little mistake might break the charm. Let
us partake of it with a simple prayer, and leave the results to the
goodness of God.
In the Library. — Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on
"Lord's Supper"; Purves, article on "Baptism." W. W. Moore, "The
Indispensable Book." Candlish, "The Christian Sacraments" (In
"Handbooks for Bible Classes," edited by Dods and Whyte). Lilley,
"The Lord's Supper."
LESSON XLIII
PRAYER
1. THE ANSWERER OF PRAYER
The prayers of the apostolic age reveal with startling clearness
the apostolic conception of God; and one chief reason why our
prayers fall short of the apostolic standard is that our idea of God
is different.
(1) God Is a Person. — In the first place, true prayer always con-
ceives of God as a Person ; whereas much of modern religious think-
ing conceives of him as only another name for the world. Human
life, it is said, is a part of the life of God; every man, to some degree,
is divine. Such a philosophy makes prayer logically impossible.
It is impossible for us to speak to an impersonal world-force of
which we ourselves are merely an expression; the personal distinc-
tion between man and God is absolutely essential to prayer.
The transcendence of God as over against the world is grandly
expressed in the prayer of the Jerusalem church, which was studied
in the Student's Text Book; the Jerusalem Christians addressed
God as the Lord who made "the heaven and the earth and the sea,
and all that in them is." Acts 4 : 24. God, in other words, is not
another name for the world, but Creator of the world. He is indeed
present in the world; not a single thing that happens is independent
of him; the world would not continue for a moment without God's
sustaining hand. But that means, not that God is identical with
the world, but that he is Master of it. God pervades all things;
he is present everywhere; but he is also free.
That conception pervades all the prayers of the apostolic Church;
in all of them man comes to God as one person to another. God
is free; God can do what he will; through Christ he is our Father.
He is not bound by his own works; he is independent of nature; he
will overrule all things for the good of his children. Such is the God
that can answer prayer.
(2) God Is an Infinite and Holy Person. — If, however, the prayers
of the apostolic age conceive of God as a Person, they also
conceive of him as very different from men. Here, also, they
238
PRAYER 239
provide a salutary example for the modern Church. Many devout
Christians of to-day, in avoiding the error which has just been
described, in thinking of God plainly as a person, are inclined to
fall into the opposite mistake. In their clear realization of God as a
person they think of him as a person exactly like ourselves. They
regard the difference between God and man as a difference of degree
rather than a difference of kind; they think of God as merely a
greater man in the sky. The result of such thinking is disastrous
for prayer. Prayer, to be sure, is here not absolutely destroyed;
communion with God remains possible; but such communion is
degraded. Communion loses that sense of mystery and awe which
properly belongs to it. Man becomes too familiar with God; God
takes merely the leading place in a circle of friends; religion descends
to the plane of other relationships. Prayer to such a God is apt
to become irreverent. If our prayers are to lift us fully into the
presence of God they must never lie on the same plane with the
communion that we enjoy with our fellow men, but must be filled
with a profound sense of God's majesty and power.
The danger of permitting prayer, on account of its very privilege,
to become a commonplace thing is one that threatens us all. It
may be overcome, however, in the first place, by the contemplation
of nature. "The heavens declare the glory of God ; and the firmament
showeth his handiwork" — and it is a terrible, mysterious God that
they reveal. The stupendous vastness of the universe and the
baffling mystery of the surrounding infinity oppress the thoughtful
mind with a profound sense of insignificance. And God is the
Maker and Ruler of it all, the One in whom all the mystery finds
its explanation! Such is the employment of nature in the prayer of
the Jerusalem church. Acts 4 : 24.
All the prayers of the apostolic Church illustrate the principle
which is now being emphasized. There is never anything trite or
vulgar about the prayers that are contained in the New Testament;
they are all characterized by a wonderful dignity and reverence.
If the infinity and omnipotence of God should prevent any ir-
reverence in our prayers, the thought of his holiness is perhaps even
more overwhelming. We are full of impurity. Who can stand
before the white light of God's awful judgment throne?
(3) God Is a Gracious Person. — Nevertheless, despite the majesty
and holiness of God, he invites us into his presence. It is a
stupendous wonder. No reasoning could have shown it to be
probable; only ignorance can regard it as a matter of course. If
240 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
God were only a somewhat greater man, there would have been
comparatively little mystery in prayer; but communion with the
infinite and eternal and holy One, the unfathomed cause of all
things, is the wonder of wonders. It is a wonder of God's
grace. It is too wonderful to be true; yet it has become true in
Christ. True prayer brings us not before some God of our own
devising, before whom we could stand in our own merit without
fear, but into the dread presence of Jehovah. Let us not hesitate
to go ; God has called us ; he loves us as a Father, far more than we
can ever love him. Prayer is full of joy; the joy is so great that it
is akin to fear.
2. THE INFLUENCE OF JESUS' TEACHING UPON THE
PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH
In studying the prayers of the apostolic age, it must always be
remembered that they stood upon the foundation of Jesus' example
and precept.
(1) The Example of Jesus. — With all his power and holiness Jesus
was not above asking for strength to perform his gracious work;
after that long, wearying day in Capernaum he "departed into a
desert place, and there prayed." Mark 1 : 35. In the hour of
agony in Gethsemane, he prayed a truly human, though holy,
prayer: "Abba, Father, all things are possible unto thee; remove
this cup from me: howbeit not what I will, but what thou wilt."
Ch. 14 : 36. Prayer, moreover, was not something which Jesus
reserved for himself ; clearly it was a privilege which he extended to
all his disciples. In the prayer that he taught his disciples, he
summed up all that our prayer should be. Matt. 6 : 9-15.
(2) God as Father. — One thing in particular was derived by the
apostolic Church from Jesus — the conception of God as Father.
This conception appears in the epistles of Paul as a matter of course;
evidently it was firmly established among the readers; it no longer
required defense or explanation. Yet it had not lost, through long
repetition, one whit of its freshness; in Paul it is never a mere phrase,
but always a profound spiritual fact.
Obviously this idea of the fatherhood of God was of particular
importance for prayer. It taught the disciples "to draw near to
God with all holy reverence and confidence, as children to a father,
able and ready to help" them. A characteristic way of addressing
God even in the Gentile churches of Paul was "Abba, Father."
Gal. 4:6; Rom. 8 : 15. The Aramaic word "Abba" is sufficient
PRAYER 241
to show that this hallowed usage was based ultimately upon the
teaching and example of Jesus; the word was the very one that
Jesus had used both in his own prayers, for example in Gethsemane,
Mark 14 : 36, and in the "Lord's Prayer" which he taught to his
disciples.
(3) The Right of Sonship. — What needs to be observed especially,
however, is that the right of addressing God as "our Father" was
not in the apostolic Church extended to all men. Certainly no
justification for such an extension could have been found in the
teaching of Jesus; it was not the unbelieving multitude, but his
own disciples, to whom Jesus taught the Lord's Prayer. Matt.
5:1; 6:9; Luke 11:1,2. Paul is even more explicit ; the cry "Abba,
Father" was to him a proof that a great change had taken place,
that those who had been formerly under bondage to the world
had now become sons of God. This change Paul represents
especially under the figure of adoption, Gal. 4:5; men have to be
adopted by God before they can call God Father ; and adoption is
accomplished only by the work of Christ. Vs. 4,5.
(4) The Intercession of the Spirit. — The cry, "Abba, Father" can
never be uttered by sinful man alone, but only by the power of
Christ's Spirit. The prayers even of the redeemed are faulty.
But the Holy Spirit takes up their cry. "And in like manner the
Spirit also helpeth our infirmity: for we know not how to pray as we
ought; but the Spirit himself maketh intercession for us with
groanings which cannot be uttered; and he that searcheth the
hearts knoweth what is the mind of the Spirit, because he maketh
intercession for the saints according to the will of God." Rom.
8 : 26, 27.
There lies the true ground of confidence in prayer. Prayer does
not derive its efficacy from any merit of its own, but only from the
goodness of God. Let us not worry too much as to whether our
prayers are good or bad; let them only be simple and sincere; God
knows our weakness; his Spirit will make intercession for us far
better than we can intercede for ourselves.
3. PUBLIC PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH
The few individual prayers that have been preserved from the
apostolic age are for the most part prayers of a more or less public
character. The spontaneous outpourings of the hearts of individual
saints before God would usually not be put into writing; the full
secrets of the prayer closet are known to God alone.
Sen. t. m. 4.
242 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
(1) Spontaneity and Sincerity. — Nevertheless, the public character
of the prayers of the New Testament does not mean that they are
cold and formal. On the contrary, at a time when set liturgies had
not yet been formed, public prayer possessed all the spontaneity
of more private devotions; the thought of the listening congregation
or of a circle of readers did not bring any hampering restraint.
There is a sterling sincerity about all the prayers or fragments of
prayers in the New Testament.
(2) Dignity. — The spontaneity and sincerity of the prayers, how-
ever, did not involve any sacrifice of dignity. The prayer of the
Jerusalem congregation, Acts 4 : 24-30, is a marvel of exalted speech ;
its employment of Scripture phrase is an admirable example for
public prayers of all ages. That prayer received a glorious answer;
indeed the true prayer of the congregation never remains unheard.
Christ's promise is always fulfilled ; where two or three are gathered
together in his name there is he in the midst of them.
In the epistles, there is to be found here and there what may be
called, if not the beginning of liturgy, at any rate material of which a
magnificent liturgy can be formed. The benediction of Heb. 13 :
20, 21, for example, is characterized by a splendid rhythm as well
as by true evangelical fervor. Such a prayer lifts the hearts of the
congregation up into the presence of God. There is use for beauty,
even in prayer; and the truest beauty is to be found in the prayers
of the Bible.
4. PRIVATE PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH
The apostolic guidance in prayer extends even to those private
prayers which no one hears except God. In this field, the epistles
of Paul are of special value. More fully than any other one man of
the apostolic age, Paul has revealed the very secrets of Christian
experience ; and that experience is rooted in prayer. A glance at the
beginnings and endings of the epistles will be sufficient to show how
fundamental prayer was in Paul's life; news of the churches was
never received without issuing at once in thanksgiving or in in-
tercession, and Paul desires, not merely the good wishes, but the
prayers, of his beloved converts. Paul practiced what he preached
when he urged the Thessalonian Christians to "pray without
ceasing." I Thess. 5 : 17. Compare chs. 1:3; 2 : 13; Rom. 1:9;
II Tim. 1 : 3. Evidently, moreover, he regarded prayer as some-
thing far more than an incidental expression of the Christian life;
he believed in its real efficacy with the Ruler of the world.
PRAYER 243
5. "MY POWER IS MADE PERFECT IN WEAKNESS"
One passage, particularly, will repay special study. In II Cor.
12 : 8, 9, we have information about the most intimate, the most
personal of the prayers of Paul. The apostle had been afflicted with
a persistent illness; it had apparently hampered him in his work,
and caused him acute distress. In his trouble he called upon the
Lord; and by that prayer Paul's affliction has been made to redound
to the lasting instruction and encouragement of the Church.
(1) Prayer Concerning Physical Ills. — In the first place, the prayer
concerns not spiritual matters, or the needs of the Church at large,
but a simple affair of the physical life. As life is constituted here
on earth, we are intimately connected with the physical world; the
body is necessary to the soul. But God is Master of earth as well
as of heaven; even the simplest needs of life may be laid before him
in prayer. To teach us that, we have here the example of Paul,
as well as the precept of the Saviour himself.
(2) The Answer. — In the second place, the prayer was answered,
and answered in a very instructive way. The illness was not
removed; but it was made an instrument of blessing. The purpose
of it was revealed: "My power," said Christ, "is made perfect in
weakness." Physical suffering is worth while if it leads to heroism
and faith. Such is often the Lord's will. He himself trod the path
of suffering before us, and in his case as in ours, the path led to glory.
(3) The Prayer Addressed to Christ. — In the third place, this
prayer was addressed, not to God the Father, but to Christ. Com-
pare Acts 7 : 59, 60. Without doubt "the Lord" in II Cor. 12 : 8,
as practically always in the Pauline Epistles, refers to Christ.
Usually, in the New Testament, prayer is addressed, through
Christ, to God the Father ; but there is no reason why it should not
be addressed to the Son. The Son as well as the Father is a living
Person; and the Son as well as the Father is God. It is well that
we have apostolic examples for prayer addressed directly to the
Saviour. Christ, to Paul, was no mere instrument in salvation,
that had served its purpose and was then removed; he was alive
and sovereign, and the relation to him was a relation of love. In a
time of acute physical distress, Paul turned to the Saviour. Three
times he called, and then the answer came. The answer will always
come in the Lord's way, not in ours; but the Lord's way is always best.
In the Library. — Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Bernard,
article on "Prayer" (III). "Thomas, "The Prayers of St. Paul."
LESSON XLIV
THE CONGREGATION
1. CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS IN PALESTINE
In studying the congregational meetings of the apostolic churches
it must be remembered that the Christian community in Jerusalem
continued for many years its participation in the worship of temple
and synagogue. Specially Christian meetings, therefore, were at
first not the sole expression of the collective worship of the Jerusalem
Christians. Nevertheless, such meetings were undoubtedly held,
even from the beginning. From the days when the one hundred
and twenty brethren were gathered together before Pentecost, the
Church was not without some outward expression of its distinctive
life.
(1) As Indicated in The Acts. — The circumstances of such early
meetings of the congregation are, however, obscure. The very
considerable numbers of the converts, Acts 2 : 41, 47; 4 : 4; 5 : 14,
would perhaps sometimes make it difficult to gather the whole
congregation together in one place ; if, however, that were done, it
would perhaps be usually in some part of the temple area. There
seem to have been general meetings — for example, Acts 15 : 1-29 —
but it is perhaps not necessary to suppose that they included
every individual member of the Jerusalem church.
Certainly, however, no members of that first Christian community
neglected the assembling of themselves together. Evidently the
sense of brotherhood was strongly developed, and evidently it ex-
pressed itself not only in the regular relief of the needy, Acts 6:1,
but also in meetings for instruction and worship and prayer.
Ch. 2 :42; 4 : 23-31. These meetings were only outward indica-
tions of a wonderful unity of mind and heart. Ch. 4 : 32. The
cause of that unity was the common possession of the Spirit of God.
As might have been expected in a book which is interested chiefly
in the outward extension of the kingdom, the book of The Acts gives
us little detailed information about the conduct of these earliest
Christian meetings. Probably, however, the example of the Jewish
synagogue made itself strongly felt. There was no violent break
244
THE CONGREGATION 245
with Judaism; a new spirit was infused into ancient forms. The
resemblance between the synagogue service and even the fully
developed Christian meetings of to-day was noted in connection
with Lesson IV.
(2) As Indicated in the Epistle of James. — The Epistle of James
perhaps helps somewhat to supply the need of detailed information.
That epistle, as was observed in Lesson XXXII, was written by the
head of the Jerusalem Church, and probably to Jewish Christians
before A. D. 49. Apparently, therefore, we have in James 2 : 1-6
some welcome information about Christian assemblies, if not in
Jerusalem, at least in other Jewish Christian churches. In v. 2,
the word "synagogue" is applied to the meeting which is described,
but that word in Greek means simply "gathering together" — almost
the same word is used in Heb. 10 : 25. The use of the word by
James shows simply that at that early time "synagogue" had not
become purely a technical designation of a non-Christian Jewish
assembly.
So interpreted, the passage in James indicates — what might in-
deed have been expected — that the early Christian meetings were
not always perfect. A Pharisaical habit of respect of persons and
desire for the chief seats had crept even into the Church. If
similar faults appear in modern times, we should not despair, but
should fight against them in the spirit of James.
2. CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS IN THE PAULINE CHURCHES
With regard to the Pauline churches information about the
conduct of religious services is far more abundant than it is with
regard to the churches of Palestine; for we have here the inestimable
assistance of the Pauline Epistles. The First Epistle to the Co-
rinthians, especially, is a mine of information; but much can also be
learned elsewhere.
(1) The Place of Meeting. — From The Acts it appears that Paul
regularly began his work in any city by preaching in the Jewish
synagogue, but that the opposition of the Jews soon made it
necessary to find another meeting place. Often, a private house,
belonging to one of the converts, served the purpose. Rom. 16 : 23;
I Cor. 16 : 19; Col. 4 : 15; Philem. 2. Sometimes there seem to
have been a number of such house-churches in the same city; yet
common meetings of all the Christians of the city seem also to be
presupposed. In Ephesus Paul used for his evangelistic work a
building or a room belonging to a certain Tyrannus, who was
246 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
probably a rhetorician. The erection of buildings especially for
Christian use belongs of course to a considerably later time.
(2) The Time of Meeting. — The frequency of the meetings does
not appear, and may well have varied according to circumstances.
There is some indication, however, that the first day of the week,
the present Sunday, was especially singled out for religious services.
I Cor. 16: 2; Acts 20 : 7. The same day is apparently called "the
Lord's day" in Rev. 1 : 10.
(3) Temporary Gifts of the Spirit. — In the actual conduct of the
meetings, some features appear which are not to be observed
in the modern Church. A number of the gifts discussed in I Cor.,
chs. 12 to 14 — for example, miracles, speaking with tongues, the
interpretation of tongues, and prophecy in the strict sense — have
become extinct. The cessation of them need cause no wonder; the
apostolic age was a time of beginnings, when the Church was being
established by the immediate exercise of the power of God ;- it is no
wonder that at such a time the Spirit manifested himself as he did
not in later generations. There is a fundamental difference be-
tween the apostolic age and all subsequent periods in the history
of the Church.
Nevertheless, all the essential features of our modern church
services were present from the earliest time about which we have
detailed information. The example of the apostles is here very
explicit.
(4) Scripture-Reading. — In the first place, the Pauline churches
certainly practiced the reading of the Bible. That would be proved
sufficiently by the evident familiarity of the Christians with the
Old Testament Scriptures; for in those days such familiarity would
undoubtedly be received in large measure by having the Bible read
aloud. The example of the synagogue would also have its influence.
It must be remembered that some even of the Gentile converts were
familiar with the synagogue service before they became Christians.
But there is also the explicit testimony of I Thess. 5 : 27, Col. 4 : 16.
There the reading of Pauline Epistles is specifically enjoined. The
Apocalypse also was clearly intended to be read aloud. Rev. 1:3;
22 : 18.
(5) Preaching. — In the second place, there was preaching. No
doubt this part of the service often took a somewhat different form
from that which it assumes to-day. Prophecy, for example, was a
kind of preaching which has been discontinued. The exercise of
the gift of "teaching" perhaps corresponded more closely to the
THE CONGREGATION 247
sermons of the present day; certainly an exposition of the Scripture
passages read would have been according to the analogy of the
Jewish synagogue. At any rate, in some form or other, there was
certainly instruction in the Scriptures and in the gospel, and
exhortation based upon that instruction.
(6) Prayer. — In the third place, there was prayer; directions for
public prayer are given at some length in I Tim., ch. 2; and there
are indications that prayer was practiced also in the meetings of
the Corinthian church. See for example, I Cor. 11 : 4, 5.
(7) Singing. — In the fourth place, there was probably singing,
though the direct information about this part of the service is slight.
See, for example, I Cor. 14 : 26. Certainly no elaborate argument is
necessary in order to exhibit the Scripture warrant for singing in the
worship of God. Psalms were sung in Old Testament times to an
instrumental accompaniment, and there is no evidence that the
customs of the Church were changed in this respect under the new
dispensation. Indeed, if singing is an expression of joy, it would
seem to be especially in place after the fulfillment of the promises
has come.
3. PAUL'S DIRECTIONS FOR CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS
Two features balance each other in Paul's directions for the public
worship of the Corinthian church.
(1) The Principle of Freedom. — In the first place he is in full
sympathy with the freedom and informality that prevailed. There
seem to have been no set speakers in Corinth ; every man spoke as
the spirit gave him utterance; the service must have been charac-
terized by great variety. This variety, Paul says, is not disturb-
ing, because it finds its higher unity in the Holy Spirit. "There are
diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit." I Cor. 12:4.
(2) The Principle of Dignity. — In the second place, however,
Paul has a strong sense of dignity. The enthusiastic expression of
religious feeling must not degenerate into anything like a senseless
orgy; spiritual gifts, however exalted, are not independent of reason.
"The spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets; for God
is not a God of confusion, but of peace." I Cor. 14 : 32, 33.
"Let all things be done decently and in order." V. 40.
Dignity was to be preserved, moreover, not merely in the ordering
of the service itself, but also in the dress and behavior of those who
took part. So much at least is clear in the difficult passage, ch.
11 : 2-16. Apparently the full equality which was granted to
248 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
women in the Christian life led the women of the Corinthian con-
gregation to give a kind of expression to their freedom which at
least at that time was not seemly. Paul detected the danger and
guarded against it. The lesson always needs to be learned. How-
ever dignity may be preserved in detail, in any particular country
and at any particular time, the principle itself should always be
borne in mind exactly as Paul enunciated it.
At a later period in the apostolic age, the sense of dignity seems
to have found expression in a quieter sort of religious service than
that which prevailed at the time of First Corinthians. The First
Epistle to Timothy lays great stress upon sobriety and gravity in
various departments of the life of the Church.
(3) The Principle of Love. — These two principles — the principle
of freedom and the principle of dignity — are kept each in its own
proper place only when they are submitted to the governance of a
higher principle. That higher principle is love. The ultimate aim
of congregational meetings, according to Paul, is not the benefit of
the individual, but the edification of the whole body, and of the
stranger who may come in. The man who has the principle of
Christian love in his heart, as it is grandly described in I Cor.,
ch. 13, will never push himself forward in the congregation in such
a way as to display his own spiritual gifts at the expense of others.
On the other hand, he will not be inclined to check the operations
of the Spirit; it is the Spirit alone who can convert the stranger, it
is the Spirit alone who can build up Christian people in the life of
faith and hope and love.
The principle of love is often neglected in the modern Church.
People say they will not go to church because they get nothing out
of it. No doubt they are mistaken; no doubt if they did go, the
benefit would appear clearly in the long run in their own lives.
But at any rate they have ignored the highest motive altogether.
We should go to church not only to obtain benefit for ourselves, but
also, and especially, to benefit our brethren by joining with them in
worship, in prayer and in instruction.
In the Library. — Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible"; Gayford,
article on "Church"; Adeney, article on "Worship (in N.T.)." Char-
teris, "The Church of Christ," pp. 44-90.
LESSON XLV
THE RELIEF OF THE NEEDY
In the Student's Text Book, special emphasis was laid upon the
relief of the needy as it was practiced in the Jerusalem church.
Here it may be well to supplement what was there said by a some-
what more detailed treatment of the great collection that was
undertaken by Paul. The exposition will serve to illustrate the
apostolic principles of Christian giving.
1. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO FIRST
CORINTHIANS
(1) The Beginning in Galatia and in Corinth. — Writing from
Ephesus during his long stay in that city, Acts 19 : 1 to 20 : 1,
Paul tells the Corinthians that he had already given directions about
the collection to the churches of Galatia, I Cor. 16:1; he had
probably done so either during the second visit to Galatia, Acts
18 : 23, or by letter after his arrival at Ephesus. Now, at any rate,
he asks the Corinthians — very simply and briefly, and evidently
presupposing previous information on the part of his readers — to
prosecute the collection during his absence in order that when he
should arrive at Corinth everything might be ready.
(2) Laying in Store on the First Day of the Week. — The manner in
which the collection was to be managed is exceedingly interesting.
"Upon the first day of the week," Paul says, "let each one of you
lay by him in store, as he may prosper." I Cor. 16 : 2. Apparently
no permanent church treasury was used for the reception of the
gifts, every man was to save his own money at home, very much as
private collection barrels are used to-day. The laying up of the
money, however, was to take place on the first day of the week;
we have here probably an early trace of the Christian Sabbath.
Perhaps we may conclude that the act of giving was regarded as a
part of religious worship. Such a conclusion is at any rate in
thorough harmony with all that Paul says about the collection.
Some people seem to feel that the taking of an offering rather mars
the dignity of a church service. In reality it has that effect only if
249
250 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
it is executed in the wrong spirit. Christian giving is treated by
Paul as a legitimate part of the worship of God.
(3) The Delegates of the Corinthian Church. — When Paul should
arrive at Corinth, he was to receive the collection and either send
or take it to Jerusalem by the help of delegates whom the Co-
rinthians themselves should choose. The purpose of choosing these
delegates appears more plainly in Second Corinthians.
2. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO SECOND
CORINTHIANS
(1) The Situation. — After the writing of the First Epistle to the
Corinthians, there had followed a period of serious estrangement
between Paul and the Corinthian church. Naturally enough the
collection suffered during this period, as did other Christian ac-
tivities. At the time of Second Corinthians, perhaps about a year
after the first letter had been written, Paul was obliged to remind his
readers that although they had begun the work the year before,
much remained still to be done. II Cor. 8 : 10; 9 : 2. Neverthe-
less, Titus, during his recent visit to Corinth, when the repentance
of the church had become manifest, had apparently been able to
take the matter again in hand. Such seems to be the most probable
interpretation of ch. 8 : 6; 12 : 18. If Titus did take up the matter
on the very visit when the rebellion against Paul had been only with
difficulty quelled, that is a striking indication of the importance
which Paul and his associates attributed to the collection. It was
not a matter that could wait until some convenient season; it had
to be taken in hand vigorously, even perhaps at the risk of mis-
understanding and suspicion, the very moment when Paul's relation
to the church became again tolerably good.
(2) Courtesy of Paul. — Like all of Paul's management of money
matters, his treatment of the collection is characterized by ad-
mirable delicacy and tact. Instead of berating the Corinthians
roundly for their delinquency, as so many modern organizers would
have done, he seeks to win them over by worthier methods. He
points, indeed, to the example of the Macedonian Christians, in
order to fire the zeal of the Corinthians; the poverty of the Mace-
donian churches had not stood in the way of their liberality; they
had given up to their power and indeed beyond their power; they
had given, not of compulsion, but willingly, dedicating themselves
as well as their goods to the Lord. II Cor. 8 : 1-5. But the Co-
rinthians are allowed to draw their own conclusion; Paul does not
THE RELIEF OF THE NEEDY 251
force it upon them. He does not press the matter home brutally;
he does not put the Corinthians to shame by expressly pointing out
how much more generously the poorer Macedonian Christians had
contributed than they. Indeed he gives his readers full credit; he
courteously calls their attention to the fact that it was they who had
made the beginning, v. 10, and that he had been able to boast of
them to the Macedonians, so that their zeal had stirred up their
Macedonian brethren. Ch. 9:1,2. He appeals especially to the
pride that they ought to feel in the boasting which Paul had vent-
ured upon in their behalf; Paul had boasted to the Macedonians
that Achaia had been prepared for a year; how sad an end it would
be to such boasting if Macedonians should go to Corinth with Paul
and should find that the collection was not ready after all! Paul
urges the Corinthians not to leave any part of the work until after
his arrival; if they do, they will put both him and themselves to
shame. Vs. 1-5.
With equal delicacy Paul hints that the achievements of the
Corinthians in other directions ought to be supplemented by this
grace of giving. The Corinthians, according to the first epistle,
had been very proud of their power of "utterance" and their
"knowledge"; to these Paul can now add — after the loyalty of the
church has finally been established — earnestness and love, II Cor.
8 : 6-8; but all these excellences will be incomplete unless there is
also liberality. The Christian life must express itself in the simpler
graces, if the more conspicuous activities are to be of genuine value.
(3) No Unfair Burdens to Be Borne. — The delicacy of Paul's
treatment of the matter is observed also in II Cor. 8 : 10-15; he is
careful to explain that the Corinthians are not asked to lay unfair
burdens upon themselves. There should be an equality among
Christians; it is now time for the Corinthians to give rather than to
receive, but if circumstances should change they might count on the
aid of their brethren. Furthermore, no one should be discouraged
if he can give only a little; "if the readiness is there, it is acceptable
according as a man hath, not according as he hath not."
(4) Cheerful Giving. — Paul urges his readers, indeed, to be
bountiful. "He that soweth sparingly shall reap also sparingly;
and he that soweth bountifully shall reap also bountifully." II Cor.
9 : 6. But this bountifulness was to be secured, not by pressing out
the last cent, but by promoting real cheerfulness in giving. "Let
each man do according as he hath purposed in his heart: not
grudgingly, or of necessity: for God loveth a cheerful giver." The
252 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
Pauline method is wisest in the end. Men can seldom be bullied into
liberality ; they will give liberally only when giving becomes, not a
mere duty, but a joy. Cheerfulness in giving, moreover, possesses
a value of its own, quite aside from the amount of the gift; it is a
true expression of Christian communion.
(5) The Unity of the Church. — Probably Paul desired to accom-
plish by the collection something even more important than the
relief of the Jerusalem poor. Many Palestinian Christians — not
only extreme Judaizers, but also apparently considerable numbers
among the rank and file — had been suspicious of the Gentile mission.
Acts 21 : 20, 21. Such suspicions would be allayed by deeds more
effectively than by words; a generous offering for the poor of the
Jerusalem church would show that Jews and Gentiles were really
united in the bonds of Christian love. II Cor. 9 : 12-14.
(6) The Glory of God. — Ultimately, however, the purpose of the
collection, as of all other Christian activities, is to be found, accord-
ing to Paul, in God. "For the ministration of this service not only
filleth up the measure of the wants of the saints, but aboundeth also
through many thanksgivings unto God." The unity of the Church,
inspiring though it is, is desired, not for its own sake, but for the
sake of the glory of God. By the simple means of the collection,
Paul hopes to present a united Church — united in thanksgiving and
in love — as some poor, human return to him who has granted us
all the "unspeakable gift" of salvation through his Son.
(7) Sound Business Methods. — The arrangements which Paul
made for the administration of the gifts are as instructive in their
way as are the lofty principles that he applied. In order to avoid
base suspicions, II Cor. 8 : 20; 12 : 16-18, he determined that
delegates approved by the Corinthians themselves should carry the
gifts to Jerusalem, I Cor. 16 : 3, 4, and secured for the prosecution
of the work in Corinth men who had the full indorsement of the
churches. II Cor. 8 : 16-24. The lesson is worth learning. It
will not do to be careless about the money matters of the Church;
it will not do to say that the Church is above suspicion. Like
Paul, "we take thought for things honorable, not only in the sight
of the Lord, but also in the sight of men." In other words, we
must be not only honorable in managing the money affairs of the
Church, but also demonstrably honorable. To that end sound
business methods should always be used. The accounts of the
Church should be audited, not with less care, but if anything with
more care, than those of ordinary business enterprises.
THE RELIEF OF THE NEEDY 253
3. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO ROMANS
In the Epistle to the Romans, written from Corinth a little after
the time of Second Corinthians, Paul speaks of the collection again.
Rom. 15 : 22-29, 31. He is on the point of going with the gifts to
Jerusalem, and asks the Roman Christians to pray that the min-
istration of the Gentiles may be "acceptable to the saints." There
is no reason to suppose that such prayers were unanswered; Paul
was cordially received by the Jerusalem Christians, Acts 21:17-26;
the trouble which caused his arrest came from non-Christian Jews.
4. TO WHOM WAS RELIEF EXTENDED?
(1) Breadth of Christian Sympathy. — The relief of the needy in
the apostolic Church, as it has been studied in the present lesson,
concerned, not outsiders, but Christian brethren. This fact
certainly does not mean that the early Christians were narrow in
their sympathies; they had received from Jesus the command to
love their enemies, and the command was reiterated by the apostles.
Rom. 12 : 20. They were commanded, furthermore, to "work
that which is good toward all men." Gal. 6 : 10.
(2) Special Attention to Christian Brethren. — There were reasons,
however, why such good works should be directed "especially to-
ward them that are of the household of the faith."
(a) The Special Rights of Brethren. — In the first place, there was
a general reason, which applies to all ages. Though the Church has
a duty to all men, it has a special duty to its own members; for
Christian people to allow their brethren to starve is as unnatural as
for a father to neglect a son, or a husband a wife. Community in
the faith does create a special bond, which should make itself felt
in all departments of life.
It should be observed that in the matter of the collection Paul
takes altogether for granted the right of the poor saints to the support
of the Church. He does not think it worth while to go into details
about the suffering of the Jerusalem poor; he does not attempt to
play upon the sympathies of his readers; he does not patronizingly
represent the recipients of the bounty as paupers. Indeed, the
Jerusalem Christians, he tells the Romans, though they are re-
ceiving material aid, are not really debtors, but rather creditors.
"If the Gentiles have been made partakers of their spiritual things,
they owe it to them also to minister unto them in carnal things."
Rom. 15 : 27. This attitude toward poorer Christians is worthy of
all emulation. Aid to the brethren is not "chanty," in the degraded
254 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
sense which that fine word has unfortunately assumed, but a solemn
and yet joyful duty. It should never be undertaken in a patronizing
spirit, but in a spirit of love that multiplies the value of the gift.
(b) Avoidance of Idleness in the Church. — On the other hand,
however, the apostolic Church did not encourage begging or
pauperism. What the special reason was for the poverty of the
Jerusalem church we do not know. Perhaps many of the Jerusalem
Christians had been obliged to leave their homes in Galilee and in
the Dispersion. At any rate, we may assume that the poverty of the
church was not due to idleness. In the Thessalonian epistles Paul
takes occasion to warn his converts against an idle life; they are to
do their own business and work with their hands; "if any will not
work, neither let him eat." I Thess. 4 : 10-12; II Thess. 3 : 6-15.
Certainly Paul was the best example of such diligence; despite his
wonderful gifts and lofty duties he had made himself independent
by manual labor. In the First Epistle to Timothy, moreover,
particular precautions are taken against allowing the bounty of the
Church to be abused. I Tim. 5 : 3-16. The treatment of the poor
in the apostolic Church exhibits everywhere an admirable com-
bination of common sense with lofty idealism.
(c) Conditions in the Apostolic Church and Conditions To-day. —
If the gifts of the apostolic Church were devoted chiefly to Christian
brethren rather than to outsiders, that is no justification for such
limitation to-day. In the apostolic age there were special reasons
why the Church could not often deal extensively with the material
needs of the world at large. The Church was exceedingly poor;
many of the converts probably suffered serious losses by the very
fact of their being Christians; under such conditions the first duty
was obviously at home. Conditions to-day are widely different.
The Church has become wealthy ; she is well able to extend her minis-
trations far and wide. Only by unlimited breadth of service will she
really be true to the example of Jesus and of his first disciples; only
by universal helpfulness will she be true to her great commission.
In The Library. — Uhlhorn, "Christian Charity in the Ancient
Church." Brace, "Gesta Christi," pp. 93-105. Charteris, "The
Church of Christ," pp. 91-129.
LESSON XLVI
ORGANIZING FOR SERVICE
Whatever the organization of a body of Christians may be, the
body itself is a true branch of the Church if it consists of those who
believe in Christ. Nevertheless, if the Church is to be more than
an aggregation of individuals, if it is not only to be something, but
also to do something, it requires some sort of organization. This
fundamental need was clearly recognized in the apostolic age; and
it was met by certain provisions which we believe ought still to be
followed. These provisions, however, do not amount to anything
like an elaborate constitution; they do not hinder adaptation to
changing conditions.
1. ELDERS ACCORDING TO THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
In the Pastoral Epistles, which afford more detailed information
about organization than is to be found anywhere else in the New
Testament, the government of the local church is seen to be in-
trusted to a body of "elders," with whom "deacons" are asso-
ciated. No one of the elders, so far as can be detected, pos-
sessed authority at all different in kind from the authority of
the others; all had the function of ruling; all were "overseers" or
"bishops" of the church.
The functions of the elders are not described in detail; but evi-
dently they had a general oversight over the affairs of the con-
gregation. That is the meaning of the word "bishop" as it is
applied to them. Some of them at least also labored "in the word
and in teaching," but all seem to have been alike in their function
of bearing rule.
2. ELDERS ACCORDING TO THE PRESBYTERIAN FORM
OF GOVERNMENT
The similarity of such an arrangement to our own Presbyterian
form of government is plain. Our churches also are governed not
by an individual, but by a body of "elders" who are equal to one
another in authority. Changing conditions have of course intro-
255
256 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
duced elaboration of the simple apostolic model. Thus the teach-
ing function, for example, which in apostolic times was perhaps
exercised more or less informally by those of the elders who
possessed the gifts for it, is now naturally assigned for the most
part to men who have received a special training. These "teaching
elders" in our church are the ministers. Conditions have become
so complex that men of special training, who devote their whole
time to the work of the Church, are imperatively required. The
pastors and teachers, Eph. 4:11, even in the apostolic Church,
seem to have formed a fairly definite group. This class of gifts is
exercised to-day especially by the ministers, though similar func-
tions should also be exercised by other members of the Church.
3. HOW WERE ELDERS TO BE CHOSEN?
With regard to the government of the apostolic Church a number
of interesting questions can never be definitely answered. For
example, how were the elders to be chosen?
(1) Sometimes Appointed by the Apostles. — Such passages as
Acts 14 : 23; Titus 1 : 5, do not settle the question. According to
the former passage, elders were appointed in the churches of south-
ern Galatia by Paul and Barnabas. But it must be remembered
that the authority of the apostles was peculiar and temporary.
Because the apostles had power to appoint elders it does not follow
that any individuals at a later time would possess a similar power.
The situation, at the time of the first Christian mission, was
peculiar; small bodies of Christians had just been rescued from
heathenism; at first they would need a kind of guidance which could
afterwards safely be withdrawn. According to Titus 1:5, Titus
was to appoint elders in the churches of Crete. But clearly Titus,
like Timothy, was merely a special and temporary representative
of the apostle Paul ; for Titus to appoint elders, under the definite
direction of Paul, was no more significant than for Paul to appoint
them himself.
(2) The Right of Congregational Election. — On the whole, it may
be confidently maintained that the Presbyterian method of choosing
elders — namely the method of election by the whole congregation —
is more in accordance with the spirit of apostolic precedent than
any other method that has been proposed. Throughout the
apostolic Church, the congregation was evidently given a very large
place in all departments of the Christian life. The Jerusalem
congregation, for example, had a decisive voice in choosing the very
ORGANIZING FOR SERVICE 257
first Church officers who are known to have been added to the
apostles. Acts 6 : 2-6. In Thessalonica and in Corinth the whole
congregation was active in the matter of church discipline. II
Thess. 3 : 14, 15; I Cor. 5 : 3-5; II Cor. 2 : 6. The whole congrega-
tion was also invited to choose delegates for carrying the gifts of the
Corinthian church to Jerusalem. I Cor. 16 : 3. These are merely
examples. It must be remembered, moreover, that the authority
of the congregation in the apostolic age was limited by the authority
of the apostles, which was special and temporary; when the apostles
should be removed, the congregational functions would be in-
creased. Yet even the apostles were exceedingly careful not to
destroy the liberties of the rank and file. Nowhere in the apostolic
Church were the ordinary church members treated as though they
were without rights and without responsibilities. Indeed, even
wrhen the apostles appointed elders, they may have previously
ascertained the preferences of the people.
4. THE APOSTOLIC PRECEDENT AND DEPARTURES FROM IT
The presbyterial form of church government — that is, govern-
ment by a body of elders — which is found in the apostolic age, differs
strikingly from certain later developments. In several particulars,
at least, principles have become prevalent which are at variance
with the apostolic model.
(l) The Monarchical Episcopate. — The first particular concerns
the relation of the church officers to one another. In the apostolic
Church, as we have observed, there was a parity among the elders;
the local congregation was governed, not by an individual, but by a
body. As early, however, as the first part of the second century, a
change had taken place, at least in many of the churches. The
supreme authority had come to be held by an individual, called
"bishop"; all other officers were clearly subordinate to him; the
government of the local congregation was no longer presbyterial,
but monarchical; the so-called "monarchical episcopate" had been
formed.
This state of affairs appears clearly in the epistles of Ignatius,
which were written a short time before A. D. 117. But all attempts
to find traces of the monarchical episcopate in the apostolic age
have resulted in failure. The Greek word episcopos, which is trans-
lated in the English Bible — rather misleadingly, perhaps — by
"bishop," is applied, not to a special officer standing above the
elders, but simply to the elders themselves. "Elder" designates
Sen. T. III. 4.
e58 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
the office; episcopos designates one function of the office. The
latter word could hardly have been used in this general way if it
had already acquired its technical significance.
The efforts which have been made to discover references to the
office of bishop in the apostolic age are unconvincing. It is ex-
ceedingly doubtful whether the "angels" of the seven churches to
which messages are sent in the Apocalypse are to be regarded as
church officers; and even if they were church officers it is by no
means clear that they exercised the functions of bishops. Un-
doubtedly Timothy and Titus appear in the Pastoral Epistles with
functions similar in many respects to those of bishops, but it is also
clear that they exercised those functions, not as officers of the
Church who might have successors, but merely as temporary
representatives of the apostle Paul.
(2) The Priesthood of the Clergy. — An even more important
divergence from apostolic conditions concerns the functions of the
church officers. According to a theory which has become widely
prevalent, certain officers of the Church are to be regarded as
"priests" — that is, they are mediators between God and man.
Curiously enough the English word "priest," is nothing but another
form of the word "presbyter," which means "elder"; "presbyter" is
only "priest" "writ large." In actual usage, however, "priest" means
vastly more than "presbyter"; it designates a man who represents
men to God and mediates God's actions to men. So understood,
the term is never applied in the New Testament to church officers as
such. According to the New Testament, the only priest (in the
strict sense) under the new dispensation is Christ; Christ is the only
mediator between God and man, I Tim. 2:5; the high-priesthood
of Christ is elaborated in the Epistle to the Hebrews. In another
sense, indeed, all believers are priests, I Peter 2 : 5, 9; Rev. 1:6;
5 : 10; 20 : 6; all have the right of direct access to God; all are
devoted to a holy service. The idea of a special priesthood in the
Christian Church is strikingly at variance with the apostolic
teaching.
(3) Apostolic Succession. — Another point of variance concerns
the manner in which the officers of the Church should receive their
authority. By a theory prevalent in the Church of England and
in the Protestant Episcopal Church in America as well as in the
Greek and Roman Catholic Churches, the authority of the clergy
has been received through an unbroken line of transmission from
the apostles; the immediate successors of the apostles received the
ORGANIZING FOR SERVICE 259
right of handing down the commission to others, and so on
through the centuries; without an ordination derived in this way
no one can be a ruler in the true Church; and without submission
to such regularly ordained rulers no body of persons can con-
stitute a branch of the true Church. This theory places a tremen-
dous power in the hands of a definite body of persons whose moral
qualifications for wielding that power are often more than doubt-
ful. Surely so stupendous a claim can be made good only by
the clear pronouncement of a recognized authority.
Such a pronouncement is not to be found in the New Testament.
There is not the slightest evidence to show that the apostles pro-
vided for a transmission of their authority through a succession of
persons. On the contrary, their authority seems to have been
special and temporary, like the miraculous powers with which they
were endowed. The regular church officers who were appointed
in the apostolic age evidently possessed no apostolic authority;
however chosen, they were essentially representatives of the con-
gregation. A true branch of the Church could exist, at least in
theory, without any officers at all, wherever true believers were to-
gether; the Church did not depend upon the officers, but the officers
upon the Church.
5. RELATIONS OF THE CONGREGATIONS TO ONE ANOTHER
So far, the organization of the apostolic Church has been con-
sidered only in so far as it concerned the individual congregation; a
word must now be said about the relation of the congregations to one
another.
That relation, in the apostolic age, was undoubtedly very close.
The Pauline Epistles, in particular, give an impression of active in-
tercourse among the churches. The Thessalonian Christians "be-
came an ensample to all that believe in Macedonia and in Achaia";
the story of their conversion became known "in every place."
I Thess. 1 : 7-10. In the matter of the collection, Macedonia
stirred up Achaia, and Achaia Macedonia. II Cor. 8 : 1-6; 9 : 1-4.
The faith of the Roman Christians was "proclaimed throughout the
whole world." Rom. 1 : 8. Judea heard of the missionary labors
of Paul, Gal. 1 : 21-24; fellowship between Jews and Gentiles was
maintained by the collection for the Jerusalem saints. Evidently
the apostolic Church was animated by a strong sense of unity.
This feeling of unity was maintained especially by the instru-
mentality of the apostles, who, with their helpers, traveled from one
260 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
congregation to another, and exerted a unifying authority over all.
Certainly there was nothing like a universal Church council;
Christian fellowship was maintained in a thoroughly informal way.
In order that such fellowship should be permanent, however, there
would obviously be an increasing need for some sort of official union
among the congregations. When the apostles passed away, their
place would have to be taken by representative assemblies; in-
creasing complexity of life brought increasing need of organization.
The representative assemblies of our own Church, therefore, meet
an obvious need; and both in their free, representative character
and in their unifying purpose it may fairly be claimed that they are
true to the spirit of the apostolic age.
6. PRINCIPLES
The apostolic precedent with regard to organization should
always be followed in spirit as well as in form. Three principles,
especially, are to be observed in the Church organization of the
apostolic age. In the first place, there was considerable freedom
in details. No Christian who had gifts of any kind was ordinarily
prevented from exercising them. In the second place, there was
respect for the constituted authority, whatever it might be. Such
respect, moreover, was not blind devotion to a ruling class, but
the respect which is ennobled by love. Finally, in Church organi-
zation, as in all the affairs of life, what was regarded as really
essential was the presence of the Holy Spirit. When Timothy
laid his hands upon a new elder, the act signified the bestowal of,
or the prayer for, divine favor. This last lesson, especially, needs
to be learned to-day. Without the grace of God, the best of
Church organizations is mere machinery without power.
In The Library. — Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Elder," "Deacon," "Deaconess," "Laying on of Hands." Hastings,
"Dictionary of the Bible": Gayford, article on "Church"; Gwatkin,
article on "Church Government in the Apostolic Age." Lightfoot,
"The Christian Ministry," in "Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians,"
pp. 181-269, and in "Dissertations on the Apostolic Age," pp. 135-238.
Charteris, "The Church of Christ," pp. 1-43, 130-170, 205-239.
Falconer, " From Apostle to Priest." MacPherson, " Presbyterianism"
(in "Handbooks for Bible Classes").
LESSON XLVII
A MISSION FOR THE WORLD
1. JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY
In teaching the lesson in class, it might be well simply to review
the principal steps in the geographical extension of the apostolic
Church. This geographical advance, however, was made possible
only by an advance in principles which should not be ignored. The
really great step in the early Christian mission was not the progress
from Jerusalem to Antioch, or from Antioch to Asia Minor and to
Greece, but the progress from a national to a universal religion.
Judaism, despite its missionary activity, always identified the
Church more or less closely with the nation; it was a distinctly-
national religion. Full union with it meant the abandonment of
one's own racial and national relationships.
(1) Limitations of Judaism. — The national character of Judaism
was an insurmountable hindrance to the Jewish mission. Despite
the hindrance, it is true, Judaism achieved important conquests;
it won many adherents throughout the Greco-Roman world.
These missionary achievements undoubtedly form an eloquent
testimony to the power of Israel's faith; despite those features of
Jewish custom which were repulsive to the Gentile mind, the belief
in the one true God and the lofty ethical ideal of the Old Testament
Scriptures possessed an irresistible attraction for many earnest
souls. Nevertheless, so long as Jewish monotheism and Jewish
ethics were centered altogether in the life of a very peculiar people,
they could never really succeed in winning the nations of the world.
(2) Apparent Identity of Judaism and Christianity. — At first it
looked as though Christianity were to share in the limitation; it
looked as though the disciples of Jesus formed merely a Jewish sect.
Undoubtedly they would bring the Jewish people to a loftier faith
and to a purer life; they would themselves become better and nobler
Jews; but Jews they would apparently always remain.
(3) The Great Transition. — Before many years had passed, how-
ever, the limitation was gloriously transcended. Christianity was
no longer bound to Judaism. It became a religion for the world,
261
262 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
within whose capacious borders there was room for every nation
and every race. How was the transition accomplished?
It was not accomplished by any contemptuous repudiation of the
age-long exclusiveness of Israel. Such repudiation would have
involved the discrediting of the Old Testament, and to the Old
Testament the Church was intensely loyal. Jewish particularism
had been ordered of God ; the Scriptures were full of warnings against
any mingling of the chosen people with its neighbors. Jehovah had
made of Israel a people alone; he had planted it in an inaccessible
hill country, remote from the great currents of the world's thought
and life; he had preserved its separateness even amid the changing
fortunes of captivity and war. Salvation was to be found only in
Israel; Israel was the chosen people.
The Church never abandoned this view of Israelitish history.
Yet for herself she transcended the particularism that it involved.
She did so in a very simple way — merely by recognizing that a new
era had begun. In the old era, particularism had a rightful place;
it was no mere prejudice, but a divine ordinance. But now, in the
age of the Messiah, particularism had given place to universalism;
the religion of Israel had become a religion of the world. What
had formerly been right had now become wrong; God himself had
ushered in a new and more glorious dispensation. Particularism,
in the divine economy, had served a temporary, though beneficent,
purpose; God had separated Israel from the world in order that the
precious deposit of Israel's faith, pure of all heathen alloy, might
finally be given freely to all.
The recognition of this wonderful new dispensation of God was
accomplished in two ways.
2. THE DIVINE GUIDANCE
In the first place, it was accomplished by the direct command of
the Holy Spirit. The first preaching to Gentiles was undertaken
not because the missionaries understood why it should be done, but
simply because God commanded.
(1) Philip. — For example, when Philip preached to the Ethiopian
— who was not in the strictest sense a member of the Jewish people —
he was acting not in accordance with any reflection of his own — a
desert road was a very unlikely place for missionary service — but
under the plain and palpable guidance of the Spirit. What is em-
phasized in the whole narrative is the strange, unaccountable
character of Philip's movements; evidently his actions at such a
A MISSION FOR THE WORLD 263
time were not open to criticism ; what Philip did God did ; if Philip
preached to an outsider, such preaching was God's will. Acts 8 :
26-40.
(2) Cornelius. — In the case of the conversion of Cornelius and
his friends, Acts 10 : 1 to 11 : 18, the divine warrant was just as
plain. Both Cornelius and Peter acted altogether in accordance
with God's guidance. On the housetop, Peter's scruples were
unmistakably overcome. "What God hath cleansed," he was told,
"make not thou common." Peter did not fully comprehend the
strange command that he should eat what the law forbade, and it
was not explained to him; but at least the command was a command
of God, and must certainly be obeyed. The meaning of the vision
became clear when Cornelius' house was entered; a Gentile had
evidently been granted the offer of the gospel. God was no re-
specter of persons. Finally the Holy Spirit fell on all the Gentiles
who heard the message; they spake with tongues as the disciples
had done at the first. That was the crowning manifestation of
God's will. There was no reason to wait for circumcision or union
with the people of Israel. "Can any man forbid the water,"
said Peter, "that these should not be baptized, who have received
the Holy Spirit as well as we?" Acts 10 : 47. All opposition was
broken down; only one conclusion was possible; the Jerusalem
Christians "glorified God, saying, Then to the Gentiles also hath
God granted repentance unto life." Acts 11 : 18.
(3) The Grace of God in the Gentile Mission. — Scarcely less
palpable was the divine guidance in the subsequent developments
of the Gentile mission. After the momentous step of certain un-
named Jews of Cyprus and Cyrene, who founded the church at
Antioch, Barnabas had no difficulty in recognizing the grace of God.
Acts 11 : 23. Not suspicion, but only gladness, was in place.
When Paul and Barnabas returned from the first Gentile mission,
they could report to the Antioch church that God had plainly
"opened a door of faith unto the Gentiles." Ch. 14 : 27. If
God had opened, who could close? At the apostolic council, in
the very face of bitter opposition, the same great argument was
used. The missionaries simply "rehearsed all things that God
had done with them," ch. 15 : 4, especially "what signs and wonders
God had wrought among the Gentiles through them." V. 12.
There was only one thing to be done; the Gentile mission must be
accepted with gladness as a gift of God; he that wrought for Peter
unto the apostleship of the circumcision wrought for Paul also unto
264 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
the Gentiles, Gal. 2:8; James and Peter and John could recognize,
both in the Gentile mission and in the inner life of the chief mis-
sionary, the plainest possible manifestation of the grace of God.
V. 9.
3. REASONS FOR GENTILE FREEDOM
The Church transcended the bounds of Judaism, then, primarily
because of a direct command of God. Such commands must be
obeyed whether they are understood or not. As a matter of fact,
however, God did not leave the matter in such an unsatisfactory
state; he revealed not only his will, but also the reason for it; he
showed not only that the Gentiles must be received into the Church,
but also why they must be received. The essence of the gospel
had demanded Gentile freedom from the beginning; the justifica-
tion of that freedom at the bar of reason, therefore, brought a
clearer understanding of the gospel itself.
Two contrasts, at least, enabled the Church to explain the reason
why the Gentiles could be saved without becoming Jews. The
first was the contrast between faith and works, between grace
and the law; the second was the contrast between the type and the
thing typified. The former was revealed especially to Paul; the
latter to the author of Hebrews.
(1) The Law and Grace. — Salvation through Christ, according to
Paul, is an absolutely free gift. It cannot be earned ; it must simply
be received. In other words, it comes not by works, but by faith.
The law of God, on the other hand, of which the Mosaic law was
the clearest embodiment, offers a different means of obtaining
God's favor. It simply presents a series of commandments, and
offers salvation on condition that they be obeyed. But the trouble
is, the commandments, since the fall, cannot be obeyed; everyone
has incurred deadly guilt through his disobedience; the power of the
flesh is too strong. At that point, however, God intervened. He
offered Christ as a sacrifice for sin that all believers might have a
fresh start; and he bestowed the Spirit of the living Christ that all
might have strength to lead a new life. But Christ will do every-
thing or nothing. A man must take his choice. There are only
two ways of obtaining salvation — the perfect keeping of the law, or
the simple, unconditional acceptance of what Christ has done.
The first is excluded because of sin; the second has become a glorious
reality in the Church.
If, however, salvation is through the free gift of Christ, then the
law religion has been superseded. All those features of the law
A MISSION FOR THE WORLD 265
which were intended to make the law palpable, as a set of external
rules, are abrogated. The Christian, indeed, performs the will of
God — in the deepest sense Christianity only confirms the law — but
he performs it, not by slavish obedience to a complex of external
commandments, but by willing submission to the Spirit of God.
Of course, the religion of the Old Testament was not, according
to Paul, purely a law religion ; on the contrary Paul quotes the Old
Testament in support of faith. But there was a law element in the
Old Testament; and the law served merely a temporary, though
beneficent, purpose. It was intended to deepen the sense of sin
and hopelessness, in order that finally salvation might be sought
not in man's way but in God's. The new order at length has come;
in Christ we are free men, and should never return to the former
bondage. The middle wall of partition has been done away; the
ordinances of the law no longer separate Jew and Gentile; all alike
have access through one Saviour unto God, all alike receive power
through the Holy Spirit to live a life of holiness and love.
(2) The Type and the Fulfillment. — The contrast which was
worked out in the Epistle to the Hebrews was especially a contrast
between the sign and the thing signified. The ceremonial law,
which had separated Jew from Gentile, was intended to point
forward to Christ; and now that the fulfillment has come, what
further need is there of the old types and symbols? Christ is the
great High Priest; by him all alike can enter into the holy place.
(3) The Meaning of the Gospel. — The transition from Jewish
Christianity, with all the difficulties of that transition, led finally
to a deeper understanding of the gospel. It showed once for all
that the salvation of the Christians is a free gift. "Just as I am,
without one plea but that thy blood was shed for me" — these
words are a good summary of the result of the Judaistic controversy.
The transition showed, furthermore, what had really been felt from
the beginning, that Christ was the one and all-sufficient Lord.
When he was present, no other priest, and no other sacrifice was
required. That is the truly missionary gospel — the gospel that
will finally conquer the world.
In the Library. — Orr, "Neglected Factors in the Study of the
Early Progress of Christianity" and "The Early Church." George
Smith, "Short History of Christian Missions" (in "Handbooks for
Bible Classes").
LESSON XLVIII
THE CHRISTIAN IDEAL OF PERSONAL MORALITY
In treating the lesson for to-day, the teacher will be embarrassed
by the wealth of his material. It is important, therefore, that the
chief purpose of the lesson should not be lost amid a mass of details.
That chief purpose is the presentation of Christianity as something
that has a very definite and immediate bearing upon daily life.
Christianity is first of all a piece of good news, a record of something
that has happened; but the effect of it, if it be sincerely received,
is always manifest in holy living.
1. THE EXAMPLE OF JESUS
In the Student's Text Book, little attempt was made at detailed
analysis of the apostolic ideal. The defect should be supplied by
careful attention to the 'Topics for Study," and also, if possible, by
the treatment of the lesson in class. First of all, however, it
should be observed how naturally the apostolic presentation of the
ideal grows out of the teaching of Jesus. The advance which
revelation made after the close of Jesus' earthly ministry concerned
the fuller explanation of the means by which the moral ideal is to
be attained rather than additional exposition of the ideal itself.
That does not mean that the apostles did no more, in the field of
ethics, than quote the words of Jesus; indeed there seem to be sur-
prisingly few direct quotations of the words of Jesus in the apostolic
writings ; the ethical teaching of the apostolic Church was no mere
mechanical repetition of words, but a profound application of
principles. Nevertheless the teaching of Jesus was absolutely
fundamental; without an examination of it, the moral life of the
apostolic Church cannot be fully understood.
(1) The Inexorableness of the Law. — Jesus had insisted, for ex-
ample, upon the inexorableness of the law of God. To the keeping
of God's commandments everything else must be sacrificed. "If
thy right eye causeth thee to stumble, pluck it out, and cast it
from thee: for it is profitable for thee that one of thy members
should perish, and not thy whole body be cast into hell." Matt.
5:29. In this respect the apostles were true disciples of their
266
CHRISTIAN IDEAL OF PERSONAL MORALITY 267
Master. The Christian, they insisted, must be absolutely ruthless;
he must be willing to sacrifice everything he has for moral purity.
This ruthlessness, however, this thoroughgoing devotion to
moral purity, did not mean in the teaching of Jesus, any more
than in that of the apostles, that under ordinary conditions the
Christian ought to withdraw from the simple pleasures that the
world offers. Jesus himself took his place freely at feasts; so far
was he from leading a stern, ascetic life that his enemies could
even accuse him of being a winebibber and a friend of publicans
and sinners. The fidelity with which the apostles followed this
part of their Master's example has been pointed out in the
Student's Text Book. The enjoyable things of the earth are not
evil in themselves; they are to be received with thanksgiving as
gifts of the heavenly Father, and then dedicated to his service.
(2) The Morality of the Heart. — Furthermore, Jesus, as well as
his apostles, emphasized the inwardness of the moral law. Here
again the apostolic Church was faithful to Jesus' teaching. The
seat of sin was placed by the apostles in the very center of a man's
life; the flesh and the Spirit wage their warfare in the battle field
of the heart. See, for example, Gal. 5: 16-24.
2. CONTRASTS
The sharp difference between the Christian life and the life of the
world was set forth in the apostolic teaching by means of various
contrasts.
(1) Death and Life. — In the first place, there was the contrast
between death and life. The man of the world, according to the
apostles, is not merely ill; he is morally and spiritually dead. Col.
2 : 13; Eph. 2 : 1, 5. There is no hope for him in his old existence;
that existence is merely a death in life. But God is One who can
raise the dead ; and as he raised Jesus from the tomb on the third
day, so he raises those who belong to Jesus from the deadness of
their sins; he implants in them a new life in which they can bring
forth fruits unto God. A moral miracle, according to the New
Testament, stands at the beginning of Christian experience. That
miracle was called by Jesus himself, as well as by the apostles, a new
birth or "regeneration." It is no work of man; only God can
raise the dead. See John 1 : 13; 3 : 1-21; I John 2 : 29; I Peter
1 :3, 23.
(2) Darkness and Light. — The contrast between darkness and
light, also, was common to the teaching of Jesus and that of his
C68 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
apostles. It appears particularly in the Gospel of John, but there
are also clear traces of it in the Synoptists, Matt. 5 : 14-16; the
righteous are "the sons of the light." Luke 16:8. In the writings
of the apostles the contrast appears in many forms. "Ye are all
sons of light," said Paul, "and sons of the day: we are not of the
night, nor of darkness; so then let us not sleep, as do the rest, but
let us watch and be sober." I Thess. 5:5, 6. "Ye were once
darkness, but are now light in the Lord: walk as children of light."
Eph. 5 : 8. God has called us "out of darkness into his marvellous
light." I Peter 2 : 9. The contrast serves admirably to represent
the honesty and openness and cleanness of the true Christian life.
(3) Flesh and Spirit. — An even more important contrast is the
contrast of flesh and Spirit, which is expounded especially by Paul.
"Flesh" in this connection means something more than the bodily
side of human nature; it means human nature as a whole, so far
as it is not subjected to God. "Spirit" also means something more
than might be supposed on a superficial examination. It does not
mean the spiritual, as distinguished from the material, side of
human nature; but the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of God. The war-
fare, therefore, between the flesh and the Spirit, which is mentioned
so often in the Pauline Epistles, is a warfare between sin and God.
The flesh, according to Paul, is a mighty power, which is too
strong for the human will. It is impossible for the natural man to
keep the law of God. "I know," says Paul, "that in me, that is,
in my flesh, dwelleth no good thing: for to will is present with me,
but to do that which is good is not. . . I find then the law, that,
to me who would do good, evil is present. For I delight in the law
of God after the inward man: but I see a different law in my mem-
bers, warring against the law of my mind, and bringing me into
captivity under the law of sin which is in my members." Rom.
7 : 18, 21-23. In this recognition of the power of sin in human life,
Paul has laid his finger upon one of the deepest facts in human
experience.
The way of escape, however, has been provided; sin has been
conquered in two aspects.
It has been conquered, in the first place, in its guilt. Without
that conquest, everything else would be useless. The dreadful
subjection to the power of sin, which becomes so abundantly plain
in evil habit, was itself a punishment for sin; before the effect can
be destroyed, the guilt which caused it must be removed. It has
been removed by the sacrifice of Christ. Christ has died for us,
CHRISTIAN IDEAL OF PERSONAL MORALITY 269
the Just for the unjust; through his death we have a fresh start,
in the favor of God, with the guilty past wiped out.
Sin has been conquered, in the second place, in its power. To-
gether with the very implanting of faith in our hearts, the Holy
Spirit has given us a new life, a new power, by which we can per-
form the works of God. A mighty warfare, indeed, is yet before
us; but it is fought with the Spirit's help, and by the Spirit it
will finally be won.
(4) The Old Man and the New. — As the contrast between the
flesh and the Spirit was concerned with the causes of the Christian's
escape from sin, so the contrast now to be considered is concerned
with the effects of that escape. The Christian, according to Paul,
has become a new man in Christ; the old man has been destroyed.
The Gentiles, he says, are darkened in their understanding, and
alienated from God. Eph. 4: 17-19. "But ye did not- so learn
Christ; if so be that ye heard him, and were taught in him, even as
truth is in Jesus: that ye put away, as concerning your former
manner of life, the old man, that waxeth corrupt after the lusts of
deceit; and that ye be renewed in the spirit of your mind, and put
on the new man, that after God hath been created in righteousness
and holiness of truth." Vs. 20-24. Compare Col. 3 : 5-11. This
putting on of the new man is included in what Paul elsewhere calls
putting on Christ. Gal. 3 : 27; Rom. 13 : 14. The true Christian
has clothed himself with Christ; the lineaments of the old sinful
nature have been transformed into the blessed features of the
Master; look upon the Christian, and what you see is Christ! This
change has been wrought by Christ himself; "it is no longer I that
live," says Paul, "but Christ liveth in me"; Christ finds expression
in the life of the Christian. It is noteworthy, however, that the
"putting on" of Christ, which in Gal. 3 : 27 is represented as an ac-
complished fact, is in Rom. 13 : 14 inculcated as a duty. It has
been accomplished already in principle — in his sacrificial death,
Christ has already taken our place in the sight of God — but the
practical realization of it in conduct is the lifelong task which
every earnest disciple, aided by the Holy Spirit, must prosecute
with might and main.
3. THE NEW MAN
Details in the character of the "new man," as they are revealed
in the apostolic writings, can here be treated only very briefly.
(1) Honesty. — Certainly the Christian, according to the apostles,
270 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
must be honest. Honesty is the foundation of the virtues; without
it everything else is based upon the sand. Nothing could exceed
the fine scorn which the New Testament heaps upon anything like
hypocrisy or deceit. The Epistle of James, in particular, is a
plea for profound reality in all departments of life. Away with all
deceit! The Christian life is to be lived in the full blaze of God's
sunlight.
Many hours could be occupied in the class with the applications
of honesty under modern conditions. Student life, for example, is
full of temptations to dishonesty. To say nothing of out-and-out
cheating, there are a hundred ways in which the fine edge of honor
can be blunted. In business life, also, temptations are many; and
indeed no one can really escape the test. The apostolic example
deserves to be borne in mind; Christian honesty ought to be more
than the honesty of the world.
(2) Purity. — In the second place, the apostolic Church presents
an ideal of purity, purity in thought as well as in word and deed.
The ideal must have seemed strange to the degraded populations
of Corinth and Ephesus; but it is also sadly needed to-day. Let
us not deceive ourselves. He who would hold fellowship with
Christ must put away impurity; Christ is the holy One. Purity,
however, is to be attained not by unaided human effort, but by
the help of the Spirit of God. The Holy Spirit, if he be admitted to
the heart, will purge it of unclean thoughts.
(3) Patience and Bravery. — In the third place, patience and
humility are prominent in the Christian ideal. These virtues are
coupled, however, with the most vigorous bravery. There is
nothing weak or sickly or sentimental about the Christian character.
"Watch ye, stand fast in the faith, quit you like men, be strong."
I Cor. 16 : 13.
(4) Love. — The summation of the Christian ideal is love. Love,
however, is more than a benevolent desire. It includes purity and
heroism as well as helpfulness. In order to love in the Christian
sense, one must attain "unto a fullgrown man, unto the measure of
the stature of the fulness of Christ." Eph. 4 : 13.
In the Library. — Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Strong,
article on "Ethics" (II). Kilpatrick, "Christian Character." Bruce,
"The Formation of Christian Character." Luthardt, "Apologetic
Lectures on the Moral Truths of Christianity."
LESSON XLIX
CHRISTIANITY AND HUMAN RELATIONSHIPS
1. THE PROBLEM
Two apparently contradictory features appear in the life of the
apostolic Church. In the first place, there was an intense other-
Vvorldliness; the Christians were regarded as citizens of a heavenly
kingdom. In the second place, there was careful attention to the
various relationships of the present life; no man was excused from
homely duty. The two sides of the picture appear in the sharpest
colors in the life of the apostle Paul. No one emphasized more
strongly than he the independence of the Christian life with refer-
ence to the world ; all Christians, whether their worldly station be
high or low, are alike in the sight of God ; the Church operates
with entirely new standards of value. Yet on the other hand, in
his actual dealing with the affairs of this world Paul observed the
most delicate tact; and in all history it is difficult to find a man
with profounder natural affections. Where is there, for example, a
more passionate expression of patriotic feeling than that which is
to be found in Rom. 9:3? "I could wish that I myself were
anathema from Christ for my brethren's sake, my kinsmen accord-
ing to the flesh."
On the one hand, then, the apostolic Church regarded all earthly
distinctions as temporary and secondary, and yet on the other hand
those same distinctions were very carefully observed. The apparent
contradiction brings before us the great question of the attitude of
Christianity toward human relationships. This question may be
answered in one of three ways.
2. THE WORLDLY SOLUTION
In the first place, there is the worldly answer. The Christian
finds himself in a world where his time and his thoughts seem to be
fully occupied by what lies near at hand. The existence of God
may not be denied, but practically, in the stress of more obvious
duties, God is left out of account.
(1) "Practical Christianity," — In its crude form, of course, where
271
272 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
it involves mere engrossment in selfish pleasure, this answer to our
question hardly needs refutation. Obviously the Christian cannot
devote himself to worldly enjoyment; a cardinal virtue of the Chris-
tian is self-denial. Worldliness in the Church, however, may be taken
in a wider sense; it has often assumed very alluring forms. At the
present day, for example, it often represents itself as the only true,
the only "practical" kind of Christianity. It is often said that
true religion is identical with social service, that the service of one's
fellow men is always worship of God. This assertion involves a
depreciation of "dogma" in the interests of "practical" Christianity;
it makes no difference, it is said, what a man believes, provided only
he engages in the improvement of living conditions and the pro-
motion of fairer laws.
(2) This World Is Not All. — This tendency in the Church really
makes religion a thing of this world only. Undoubtedly, much
good is being accomplished by social workers who have given up
belief in historic Christianity; but it is good that does not go to the
root of the matter. Suppose we have improved conditions on this
earth, suppose more men have healthy employment and an abun-
dance of worldly goods. Even so the thought of death cannot be
banished. Is the totality of man's happiness limited to a brief
span of life; are we after all but creatures of a day? Or is there an
eternal life beyond the grave, with infinite possibilities of good or
evil? Jesus and his apostles and the whole of the apostolic Church
adopted the latter alternative.
(3) The Secularization of Religion. — We lay our finger here upon
one of the points where the modern Church is in danger of departing
most fundamentally from the apostolic model. Religion is in
serious danger of being secularized; that is, of being regarded as
concerned merely with this life. The only corrective is the recovery
of the old conception of God. God is not merely another name for
the highest aspirations of men, he is not merely the summation of
the social forces which are working for human betterment. On the
contrary, he is a living Person, working in the world, but also
eternally independent of it. You can work for the worldly benefit
of your fellow men without coming into any saving contact with
God ; it does make a vast difference what you believe ; it makes all
the difference between death and life.
(4) The Teaching of Jesus and of the Apostles. — Only one-sided
reading of the New Testament can find support for the opposite
view. Jesus said, "Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of these my
CHRISTIANITY AND HUMAN RELATIONSHIPS 273
brethren, even these least, ye did it unto me," Matt. 25 : 40; but
the same Jesus also said, "If any man cometh unto me, and hateth
not his own father, and mother, and wife, and children, and brethren,
and sisters, yea, and his own life also, he cannot be my disciple."
Luke 14 : 26. The giving of a cup of cold water, which receives the
blessing of Jesus, is done for "one of these little ones ... in the name
of a disciple." Matt. 10 : 42. Evidently the good works of the
Christian are not independent of the attitude of the doer toward
Jesus and toward God; Jesus regards the personal relation between
himself and his disciples as one which takes precedence of even the
holiest of earthly ties. Far more convincing, however, than any
citation of definite passages is the whole spirit of the New Testa-
ment teaching; evidently both Jesus and his early disciples had their
lives determined by the thought of the living, personal God, holy
and mysterious and independent of the world. Social service
exists for the sake of God, not God for the sake of social service.
The reversal of this relationship is one of the most distressing
tendencies of the present day ; a study of the apostolic Church may
bring a return to sanity and humility.
3. THE ASCETIC SOLUTION
The second answer to our question is the answer of ascetics of
many different kinds. According to this answer, the relationship
of the Christian to God on the one hand, and his relationship to his
fellow men on the other, are in competition. Consequently, in
order to strengthen the former, the latter must be broken off. In
its extreme form, this way of thinking leads to the hermit ideal, to
the belief that the less a man has to do with his fellow men the more
he has to do with God. Such conceptions are not always so un-
influential as we are inclined to think, even in our Protestant
churches. Monasticism is not indeed consistently carried out, but
it is often present in spirit and in principle. Some excellent
Christians seem to feel that whole-hearted, natural interest in
earthly friends is disloyalty to Christ, that all men must be treated
alike, that admission of one man into the depths of the heart more
fully than another is contrary to the universality of the gospel.
By such men, individuals are not treated as persons, with a value of
their own, but merely as opportunities for Christian service.
(1) This Solution Defeats Its Own End. — It is evident, in the
first place, that such an attitude defeats its own aim. Evidently
the power of a Christian worker depends partly at least upon his
Sen. t. in. 4.
274 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
interest in individuals. It will not do, for example, for the teachers
in this course to let their students say, "The teacher loves Christ
supremely, but he has no interest in me." Evidently the power of
influencing our fellow men is largely increased by an intimate
personal relationship; if we are to serve Christ by bringing men to
his feet, then we ought not to dissolve but rather to strengthen the
bonds of simple affection which unite us to our human friends.
(2) This Solution Is Opposed to Apostolic Example. — The
example of the apostolic Church points in the same direction; we
have already noticed the intensity of natural affection which was
displayed even by a man so thoroughly and heroically devoted to
Christian service as was the apostle Paul. This example might well
be supplemented, and supplemented most emphatically of all by
the example which lies at the basis of all of the apostolic Church —
the example of Jesus himself. If any man might have been aloof
from his fellow men, it was Jesus, yet as a matter of fact, he plainly
had his earthly friends.
4. THE TRUE SOLUTION
The true solution of the problem is found in consecration.
Human relationships are not to be made the sole aim of life;
neither are they to be destroyed; but they are to be consecrated
to the service of God. Love for God under normal conditions
comes into no competition with love for man, because God takes a
place in the life which can never be filled by any human friend;
by lopping off human friendships we are not devoting ourselves
more fully to God, but merely becoming less efficient servants
of him.
5. CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL SERVICE
Consecration of human relationships to God does not involve
any depreciation of what is known to-day as "social service."
On the contrary it gives to social service its necessary basis and
motive power. Only when God is remembered is there an eternal
outlook in the betterment of human lives; the improvement of
social conditions, which gives the souls of men a fair chance instead
of keeping them stunted and balked by poverty and disease, is
seen by him who believes in a future life and a final judgment
and heaven and hell to have value not only for time, but also for
eternity, not only for man, but also for the infinite God .
(1) Society or the Individual? — It is sometimes regarded as a
reproach that old-fashioned, evangelical Christianity makes its
CHRISTIANITY AND HUMAN RELATIONSHIPS 275
first appeal to the individual. The success of certain evan-
gelists has occasioned considerable surprise in some quarters.
Everyone knows, it is said, that the "social gospel" is the really
effective modern agency; yet some evangelists with only the very
crudest possible social program are accomplishing important and
beneficent results! The lesson may well be learned, and it should
never be forgotten. Despite the importance of social reforms, the
first purpose of true Christian evangelism is to bring the individual
man clearly and consciously into the presence of his God. Without
that, all else is of but temporary value; the human race is composed
of individual souls; the best of social edifices will crumble if all the
materials are faulty.
(2) Every Man Should First Correct His Own Faults. — The true
attitude of the Christian toward social institutions can be learned
clearly from the example of the apostolic Church. The first lesson
that the early Christians learned when they faced the ordinary duties
of life was to make the best of the institutions that were already
existing. There was nothing directly revolutionary about the
apostolic teaching. Sharp rebuke, indeed, was directed against the
covetousness of the rich. But the significant fact is that such denun-
ciations of wealthy men were addressed to the wealthy men them-
selves and not to the poor. In the apostolic Church, every man
was made to know his own faults, not the faults of other people.
The rich were rebuked for their covetousness and selfishness; but
the poor were commanded, with just as much vehemence, to labor
for their own support. "If any will not work," said Paul, "neither
let him eat." II Thess. 3 : 10. In short, apostolic Christianity
sought to remove the evils of an unequal distribution of wealth, not
by a violent uprising of the poor against the rich, but by changing
the hearts of the rich men themselves. Modern reform movements
are often very different; but it cannot be said that the apostolic
method is altogether antiquated.
(3) The Ennobling of Existing Institutions. — Certainly the
apostolic method has been extraordinarily successful; it has ac-
complished far more than could have been accomplished by a
violent reform movement. A good example is afforded by the
institution of slavery. Here, if anywhere, we might seem to have
an institution which was contrary to the gospel. Yet Paul sent
back a runaway slave to his master, and evidently without the
slightest hesitation or compunction. That action was a consistent
carrying out of the principle that a Christian man, instead of seeking
276 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
an immediate change in his social position, was first of all to learn
to make the best of whatever position was his already. "Let each
man abide in that calling wherein he was called. Wast thou called
being a bondservant? care not for it: nay, even if thou canst be-
come free, use it rather. For he that was called in the Lord being
a bondservant, is the Lord's freedman: likewise he that was called
being free, is Christ's bondservant. Ye were bought with a price;
become not bondservants of men. Brethren, let each man, wherein
he was called, therein abide with God." I Cor. 7 : 20-24. The
freedom of the Christian, in other words, is entirely independent of
freedom in this world; a slave can be just as free in the higher,
spiritual sense as his earthly master. In this way the position of
the slave was ennobled; evidently the relation of Onesimus to
Philemon was expected to afford both slave and master genuine
opportunity for the development of Christian character and for
the performance of Christian service.
(4) The Substitution of Good Institutions for Bad. — In the long
run, however, such conceptions were bound to exert a pervasive
influence even upon earthly institutions. If Philemon really
adopted the Christian attitude toward one who was now "more
than a servant, a brother beloved" in Christ, then in the course of
time he would naturally desire to make even the outward relation-
ship conform more perfectly to the inward spiritual fact. The final
result would naturally be emancipation; and such was the actual
process in the history of the Church. Slavery, moreover, is only
an example; a host of other imperfect social institutions have
similarly been modified or removed. What a world of progress,
for example, is contained in Gal. 3 : 28: "There can be neither Jew
nor Greek, there can be neither bond nor free, there can be no male
and female; for ye are all one man in Christ Jesus." Not battles and
revolutions, the taking of cities and the pulling down of empires,
are the really great events of history, but rather the enunciation of
great principles such as this. "Ye are all one man in Christ
Jesus" — these words with others like them have moved armies like
puppets, and will finally transform the face of the world.
In the Library. — R. E. Thompson, "De Civitate Dei. The Divine
Order of Human Society." Clow, "Christ in the Social Order." Cun-
ningham, "Christianity and Social Questions." Schmidt, "The Social
Results of Early Christianity."
LESSON L
THE CHRISTIAN USE OF THE INTELLECT
1. THE PROBLEM OF CHRISTIANITY AND CULTURE
The last two lessons have emphasized the duty of consecration.
The enjoyment of simple, physical blessings, the opportunities
afforded by earthly relationships, are all to be devoted to the
service of God. Exactly the same principle must be applied in the
lesson for to-day. If physical health and strength and the com-
panionship of human friends may be made useful in the Christian
life, surely the same thing is true of intellectual gifts. The most
powerful thing that a man possesses is the power of his mind.
Brute force is comparatively useless; the really great achievements
of modern times have been accomplished by the intellect. If the
principle of consecration is true at all — if it be true that God desires,
not the destruction of human powers, but the proper use of them—
then surely the principle must be applied in the intellectual sphere.
The field should not be limited too narrowly; with the purely
logical and acquisitive faculties of the mind should be included the
imagination and the sense of beauty. In a word, we have to do to-
day with the relation between "culture" and Christianity. For the
modern Church there is no greater problem. A mighty civilization
has been built up in recent years, which to a considerable extent is
out of relation to the gospel. Great intellectual forces which are
rampant in the world are grievously perplexing the Church. The
situation calls for earnest intellectual effort on the part of Christians.
Modern culture must either be refuted as evil, or else be made
helpful to the gospel. So great a power cannot safely be ignored.
(1) The Obscurantist Solution. — Some men in the Church are
inclined to choose a simple way out of the difficulty ; they are inclined
to reject the whole of modern culture as either evil or worthless;
this wisdom of the world, they maintain, must be deserted for the
divine "foolishness" of the gospel. Undoubtedly such a view con-
tains an element of truth, but in its entirety it is impracticable.
The achievements of modern culture are being made useful for the
spread of the gospel by the very advocates of the view now in
277
278 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
question; these achievements, therefore, cannot be altogether the
work of Satan. It is inconsistent to use the printing press, the
railroad, the telegraph in the propagation of our gospel and at the
same time denounce as evil those activities of the human mind by
which these inventions were produced. Indeed, much of modern
culture, far from being hostile to Christianity, has really been
produced by Christianity. Such Christian elements should not
be destroyed; the wheat should not be rooted up with the tares.
(2) The Worldly Solution. — If, however, the Christian man is in
danger of adopting a negative attitude toward modern culture, of
withdrawing from the world into a sort of unhealthy, modernized,
intellectual monastery, the opposite danger is even more serious.
The most serious danger is the danger of being so much engrossed in
the wonderful achievements of modern science that the gospel is
altogether forgotten.
(3) The True Solution. — The true solution is consecration.
Modern culture is a stumblingblock when it is regarded as
an end in itself, but when it is used as a means to the service of God
it becomes a blessing. Undoubtedly much of modern thinking is
hostile to the gospel. Such hostile elements should be refuted and
destroyed; the rest should be made subservient; but nothing should
be neglected. Modern culture is a mighty force; it is either
helpful to the gospel or else it is a deadly enemy of the gospel.
For making it helpful neither wholesale denunciation nor whole-
sale acceptance is in place; careful discrimination is required,
and such discrimination requires intellectual effort. There lies a
supreme duty of the modern Church. Patient study should not be
abandoned to the men of the world; men who have really received
the blessed experience of the love of God in Christ must seek to
bring that experience to bear upon the culture of the modern world,
in order that Christ may rule, not only in all nations, but also in
every department of human life. The Church must seek to con-
quer not only every man, but also the whole of man. Such in-
tellectual effort is really necessary even to the external advancement
of the kingdom. Men cannot be convinced of the truth of Chris-
tianity so long as the whole of their thinking is dominated by ideas
which make acceptance of the gospel logically impossible; false
ideas are the greatest obstacles to the reception of the gospel. And
false ideas cannot be destroyed without intellectual effort.
Such effort is indeed of itself insufficient. No man was ever
argued into Christianity; the renewing of the Holy Spirit is the
THE CHRISTIAN USE OF THE INTELLECT 2^)
really decisive thing. But the Spirit works when and how he will,
and he chooses to employ the intellectual activities of Christian
people in order to prepare for his gracious coming.
2. THE APOSTOLIC EXAMPLE
Abundant support for what has just been said may be discovered
in the history of the apostolic Church. Paul's speech at Athens, for
example, shows how the Christian preacher exhibited the connec-
tion between the gospel and the religious aspirations of the time.
This line of thought, it is true, was merely preliminary; the main
thing with which the apostles were concerned was the presentation
and explanation of the gospel itself. Such presentation and ex-
planation, however, certainly required intellectual effort; and the
effort was not avoided. The epistles of Paul are full of profound
thinking; only superficiality can ignore the apostolic use of the
intellect.
(1) Christianity Based Upon Facts. — The fundamental reason
why this intellectual activity was so prominent in the apostolic age
is that the apostles thought of Christianity as based upon facts.
Modern Christians sometimes cherish a different notion. A false
antithesis is now sometimes set up between belief and practice;
Christianity, it is said, is not a doctrine, but a life. In reality,
Christianity is not only a doctrine, but neither is it only a life; it is
both. It is, as has been well said, a life because it is a doctrine.
What is characteristic of Christianity is not so much that it holds
up a lofty ethical ideal as that it provides the power by which the
ideal is to be realized. That power proceeds from the great facts
upon which Christian belief is founded, especially the blessed facts
of Christ's atoning death and triumphant resurrection. Where
belief in these facts has been lost, the Christian life may seem to
proceed for a time as before, but it proceeds only as a locomotive
runs after the steam has been shut off; the momentum is soon lost.
If, however, Christianity is based upon facts, it cannot do without
the use of the mind ; whatever may be said of mere emotions, facts
cannot be received without employment of the reason. Christian
faith is indeed more than intellectual; it involves rejoicing in the
heart and acceptance by the will, but the intellectual element in it
can never be removed. We cannot trust in Christ, in the Christian
sense, unless we are convinced that he lived a holy life when he was
on earth, that he claimed justly to be divine, that he died on the
cross, and that he rose again from the dead.
280 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
(2) Christianity Involves Theology. — Furthermore, Christian
faith involves not only a bare acceptance of these facts, it involves
also some explanation of them. That explanation can never be
complete; the gospel contains mysteries in the presence of which
only wondering reverence is in place; but some explanation there
must be It is quite useless, for example, to know merely that a
holy man, Jesus, died on the cross; it is even useless to know that
the Son of God came to earth and died in that way. The death
of Christ has meaning for us only because it was a death for our
sins; the story of the cross becomes a gospel only when the blessed
meaning of it is explained. The explanation of that meaning forms
the subject of a large part of the New Testament. The apostolic
Church had none of our modern aversion to theology.
It is time for us to return to the apostolic example. Mere
bustling philanthropy will never conquer the world. The real
springs of the Church's power lie in an inward, spiritual realm; they
can be reached only by genuine meditation. The eighth chapter of
Romans has been neglected long enough; neglect of it is bringing
deadly weakness. Instead of adapting her message to the changing
fashions of the time, the Church should seek to understand the
message itself. The effort will not be easy; in a "practical" age,
honest thinking is hard. But the results will be plain. Power lies
in the deep things of God.
(3) The Duty of Every Man. — The great intellectual duty of the
modern Church is not confined to a few men of scholarly tastes.
On the contrary, the simplest Christian may have his part; what
is needed first of all is common sense. By an unhealthy senti-
mentalism, old-fashioned study has been discredited. If God is
speaking in the Bible, surely the logical thing for us to do is to hear.
Yet modern Christians are strangely neglectful of this simple duty.
Bible study is regarded as of less importance than social service;
improvement of earthly conditions is preferred to acquaintance
with God's Word. The evil may easily be corrected, and it may be
corrected first of all by the old-fashioned reading of the Bible.
That requires intellectual effort — there is no use in turning the
pages if the mind is elsewhere — but the effort can be made by the
plain man as well as by the scholar. Simple acquaintance with the
Bible facts by the rank and file of the Church will accomplish as
much as anything else toward meeting the arguments of opponents.
By learning what Christianity is, we shall be able, almost uncon-
sciously, to refute what can be said against it.
THE CHRISTIAN USE OF THE INTELLECT 281
3. THE PRACTICE OF THE TRUTH
This intellectual effort, however, should never be separated from
practice. The best way to fix truth in the mind is to practice it in
life. If our study teaches us that God is holy, let us hate sin as
God hates it. If we learn that God is loving, let us love our fellow
men as God loves them. If the Bible tells us of the salvation offered
by Christ, let us accept it with a holy joy, and live in the power of it
day by day. That is the true "practical Christianity", a Christian-
ity that is based solidly upon facts. Conduct goes hand in hand
with doctrine; love is the sister of truth.
4. GOD THE SOURCE OF TRUTH
The ultimate Source of all truth, as of all love, is God. The
knowledge for which we are pleading can never result in pride, for
it is a knowledge that God gives, and a knowledge consecrated at
every point to God's service. Presumptuous reliance upon human
wisdom comes from knowledge that ignores part of the facts; true
science leads to humility. If we accept all other facts, but ignore the
supreme fact of God's love in Jesus Christ, then of course our
knowledge will be one-sided. It may succeed in producing creature
comforts; it may improve the external conditions of life upon this
earth; it may afford purely intellectual pleasure; but it will never
reveal the really important things. This one-sided knowledge
is what Paul was speaking of in I Cor. 1:21 when he said that "the
world through its wisdom knew not God." The true wisdom takes
account of the "foolishness" of God's message, and finds that that
foolishness is wiser than men. The true wisdom of the gospel is
revealed only through the Holy Spirit; only the Spirit of God can
reveal the things of God. Without the Spirit, the human mind
becomes hopeless in dismal error; it is the Spirit of truth who sheds
the true light over our path.
"O grant us light, that we may know
The wisdom Thou alone canst give;
That truth may guide where'er we go,
And virtue bless where'er we live."
In the Library. — Patton, "A Summary of Christian Doctrine."
Greene, "Christian Doctrine." A. A. Hodge, "Outlines of Theology"
and "Popular Lectures on Theological Themes."
LESSON LI
THE CHRISTIAN HOPE AND THE PRESENT POSSESSION
A type of religious effort has become prevalent to-day which is
directed chiefly to the present life; the improvement of worldly
conditions is often regarded as the chief end of man. All such
tendencies are strikingly at variance with apostolic Christianity.
The apostolic Church was intensely other-worldly. The chief
gift that the apostles offered was not a better and more comfortable
life in this world, but an entrance into heaven.
1. THE END OF THE WORLD
Only the great outlines of the events connected with the end of
the world are revealed in the New Testament. Minute details
cannot be discovered except by an excessively literal method of
interpretation, which is not really in accord with the meaning of the
apostolic writers. Some have supposed, for example, that there
are to be two resurrections, first a resurrection of the Christian
dead and long afterwards a resurrection of other men; expecta-
tion of a thousand-year reign of Christ upon earth has been
widely prevalent. Such beliefs are not to be lightly rejected, since
they are based upon an interpretation of certain New Testament
passages which is not altogether devoid of plausibility; but on the
whole they are at least doubtful in view of other passages, and
especially in view of the true nature of prophecy. God has re-
vealed, not details to satisfy our curiosity, but certain basal facts
which should determine our lives.
Those basal facts, connected with the end of the world, are a
second coming of Christ, a resurrection of the dead, a final judg-
ment, an eternity of punishment for the wicked and of blessing
for those who have trusted in Christ. It is not maintained that
these facts stand absolutely alone; certainly they are fully ex-
plained, at least in their spiritual significance; but the devout
Bible-reader should be cautious about his interpretation of details.
2. FEAR AND JOY
The practical effect of the apostolic teaching about the end of the
world should be a combination of earnestness with joy. A man
282
CHRISTIAN HOPE AND PRESENT POSSESSION 283
who lives under the expectation of meeting Christ as Judge will
desert the worldly standard of values for a higher standard. He
will rate happiness and worldly splendor lower, in order to place the
supreme emphasis upon goodness. The difference between evil
and good, between sin and holiness, is not a trifle, not a thing of
merely relative importance, as many men regard it; it enters deep
into the constitution of the universe, it is the question of really
eternal moment. Again and again, in the New Testament, the
thought of Christ's coming and of the judgment which he will
hold is made the supreme motive to a pure and holy life. The
apostolic example may well be borne in mind. When we are
tempted to commit a mean or dishonest or unclean act, when
unholy thoughts crowd in upon us like a noisome flood, we cannot
do better than think of the day when we shall stand in the presence
of the pure and holy Judge.
On the other hand, the thought of Christ's coming is to the
believer the source of inexpressible joy. Christ has saved us from
a terrible abyss. Our joy in salvation is in proportion to our dread
of the destruction from which we have been saved. To the truly
penitent man, the thought of the righteous God is full of terror.
God is holy; we would sometimes endeavor vainly to shrink from
his presence. Yet such a God has stretched out his hand to save
— there is the wonder of the gospel — and if we trust in the Saviour
the last great day need cause no fear. We are lost in sin, but God
looks not upon us but upon him who died to save us. "Salvation"
to the apostolic Church meant "rescue," rescue from the just and
awful judgment of God.
3. THE INTERMEDIATE STATE
The time of that judgment has not been revealed, but so far as
any offer of repentance is concerned the time comes to every man at
death. One question of detail cannot altogether be ignored. What
did the apostles teach about the condition of the believer between
death and the final resurrection? Upon this subject, the New
Testament says very little, but it becomes clear at least that the
believer, even when absent from the body, is to be present with the
Lord, II Cor. 5 : 8, and that to die is to be with Christ. Phil. 1 : 23.
On the whole, no better statement of the apostolic teaching about
the "intermediate state" can be formulated than that which is con-
tained in the Shorter Catechism: "The souls of believers are at
their death made perfect in holiness, and do immediately pass into
284 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
glory ; and their bodies, being still united to Christ, do rest in their
graves, till the resurrection." The hope of an immediate entrance
into bliss at the time of death should not be allowed, however, to
obscure the importance of the resurrection. The resurrection of
the body will be necessary to "the full enjoying of God to all
eternity."
4. THE FINAL BLESSEDNESS
That enjoying of God is no mere selfish pleasure; it means
first of all a triumph of holiness. Every last vestige of evil will be
removed. No taint of sin will separate the redeemed creature from
his God. Service will be free and joyous. The consummation,
moreover, will concern not merely individuals, but the race; no mere
expectation of the personal immortality of individuals begins to do
justice to the apostolic teaching. The ultimate end, indeed, is not
our own enjoyment, but the glory of God. Some carnal, materialistic
conceptions of the future age would really remove God from his
own heaven, but such is not the teaching of the New Testament.
God will be all and in all ; only in his glory is to be found the true
glory of a redeemed race. The power of loving God is the highest
joy that heaven contains.
5. THE DISPENSATION OF THE SPIRIT
The present age, according to the New Testament, is a time of
waiting and striving; it is related to the future glory as a battle is
related to the subsequent victory. Satisfaction with the present
life, even as it is led by the best of Christians, would to the apostles
have been abhorrent; the Christian is still far from perfect. A
prime condition of progress is a divine discontent. Jesus pronounced
a blessing upon them that "hunger and thirst after righteousness."
Eternal things to us are unseen; they can be discovered only by
the eye of faith; we long for a time when hope will be supplanted
by sight. Nevertheless, there is no room for despondency; the
blessed time is surely coming.
Its coming is rendered certain by the presence, here and now,
of the Holy Spirit. The Spirit may be relied upon to prepare us,
both in soul and in body, for the glory of heaven.
(1) The Spirit in the Old Testament and in the Life of Jesus. —
The Spirit of God was mentioned even in the Old Testament. At
the beginning he "moved upon the face of the waters," Gen. 1:2;
he was the source of the mighty deeds of heroes and of the prophets'
inspired words. In the life and teaching of Jesus, however, the
CHRISTIAN HOPE AND PRESENT POSSESSION 285
Spirit was far more fully revealed than he had ever been revealed
before. He was the source of Jesus' human nature, Matt. 1 : 18, 20;
Luke 1 : 35; he descended upon the newly proclaimed Messiah, Matt.
3 : 16, and was operative in all the earthly ministry of the Lord.
(2) The Spirit in the Church. — For the disciples, however, the
full glory of the Spirit's presence was manifested only after Jesus
himself had been taken up into heaven; the present age, from
Pentecost to the second coming of the Lord, is peculiarly the
dispensation of the Holy Spirit. Discontent with the Church's
imperfections and dismay at her many adversaries should never
cause us to lose confidence in the work that is being done by the
Spirit of God. It was expedient that Jesus should go away;
through the other "Comforter" whom he has sent, he manifests
himself even more gloriously than he did to the disciples in Galilee.
(3) The Nature of the Spirit. — The apostles never discuss the
nature of the Holy Spirit in any thoroughly systematic way. But
two great facts are really presupposed in the whole New Testament.
In the first place, the Holy Spirit is God, and in the second place
he is a person distinct from the Father and from the Son. The
divinity of the Spirit appears, for example, in I Cor. 2:11. The
point of that verse is that the Spirit is as closely related to God as
the human spirit is to a man. "For who among men knoweth the
things of a man, save the spirit of the man, which is in him? even
so the things of God none knoweth, save the Spirit of God." The
distinct personality of the Spirit appears with special clearness in
Rom. 8 : 26, 27. There the Spirit is represented as making inter-
cession with him "that searcheth the hearts"; the one who inter-
cedes is personally distinct from him before whom he makes inter-
cession. Even more convincing, perhaps, is the great promise of
Christ in John 14 : 16, 17, 26; 15 : 26; 16 : 7-15, where the other
"Comforter" is spoken of in clearly personal terms and is dis-
tinguished both from the Father and from the Son. Personal dis-
tinctness, however, is not inconsistent with a perfect unity of
nature. What the Spirit does the Son and the Father do; when the
other Comforter comes to the Church, Christ himself comes. The
doctrine of the "Trinity" is a profound mystery, but its mysterious-
ness is no obstacle to the acceptance of its truth. Mystery in the
depths of God's nature is surely to be expected. This mystery,
taught by the pen of inspired writers, has brought salvation and
peace into the lives of men. Distinctly Trinitarian passages, such
as Matt. 28 : 19; II Cor. 13 : 14, are merely the summation of the
286 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
New Testament teaching about God, and that teaching has worked
itself out in unspeakable blessing in the life of the Church.
(4) The Work of the Spirit. — A complete summary of the belief
of the apostolic Church about the work of the Holy Spirit would
be impossible in one brief lesson. The Christian life is begun
by the Spirit, and continued by his beneficent power. Conversion,
according to Jesus and his apostles, is only the manward aspect of
a profound change in the depths of the soul. That change is
"regeneration," a new birth. Christian experience is no mere im-
provement of existing conditions, but the entrance of something
entirely new. Man is not merely sick in trespasses and sins, but
"dead"; only a new birth will bring life. That new birth is a
mysterious, creative act of the Spirit of God. John 3 : 3-8.
But the Spirit does not leave those whom he has regenerated to
walk alone; he dwells in them and enables them to overcome sin.
The motive of his work is love. He is no blind force, but a loving
Person; the Christian can enjoy a real communion with him as with
the Father and the Son. In the presence of the Spirit we have
communion with God ; the Persons of the Godhead are united in a
manner far beyond all human analogies. There is no imperfect
medium separating us from the divine presence; by the gracious
work of the Holy Spirit we come into vital contact with the living
God.
The Spirit is the ground and cause of Christian freedom. "Where
the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." II Cor. 3 : 17. "For
as many as are led by the Spirit of God, these are sons of God. For
ye received not the spirit of bondage again unto fear; but ye re-
ceived the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father."
Rom. 8 : 14, 15. This liberty that the Spirit brings is, however,
not a liberty to sin; it is liberation from sin. The body of the
Christian is a temple of the Holy Spirit; in that temple only purity
is in place. The inward power of the Holy Spirit in the heart is
more powerful than the law; if a man yields to that power he
will overcome the flesh; the law of God is fulfilled by those "who
walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit."
In the Library. — Vos, "The Teaching of Jesus Concerning the
Kingdom of God and the Church." Crane, "The Teaching of Jesus
Concerning the Holy Spirit." Swete, "The Holy Spirit in the New
Testament." Thomas, "The Holy Spirit of God."
LESSON LII
RETROSPECT: THE FIRST CHRISTIAN CENTURY
The apostolic example can be applied intelligently to the problems
of our time only if there be some understanding of the intervening
centuries. We are connected with the apostolic Church by an
unbroken succession. A study of Church history would help us to
apply the New Testament teaching to our own age.
The Christian writings which have been preserved from the
early part of the second century show a marked decline from the
spiritual level of the apostles. Evidently the special inspiration
which had made the New Testament a guide for all ages had been
withdrawn. Yet the Spirit of God continued to lead the Church.
Even in the darkest periods of Church history God did not forget
his people.
Only scanty Christian writings have been preserved from the
first three-quarters of the second century; the extant works of the
so-called "Apostolic Fathers" and of the "Apologists" are of limited
extent. About the close of the century, however, the record be-
comes more complete. Clement of Alexandria, Irenaeus of Asia
Minor and Gaul, and Tertullian of North Africa, give a varied
picture of the Christian life of the time. The Church had gained
rapidly in influence since the conclusion of the apostolic age; per-
secutions had not succeeded in checking her advance. Finally,
under Constantine, in the first part of the fourth century,
Christianity became the favored religion of the Roman Empire.
About the same time, in A. D. 325, the first ecumenical council,
at Nicaea, undertook the work of formulating the belief of the
Church. The creeds which were adopted at the great ancient
councils are accepted to-day in all parts of Christendom. During
the same general period, the poweY of the bishop of Rome was
gradually increased until it culminated in the papacy.
After the conquest of the western part of the Roman Empire in
the fifth century, Christianity was accepted by the barbarian con-
querors, and during the dark ages that followed the Church
preserved the light of learning and piety until a better day should
dawn. During the middle ages, though there was for the most
287
288 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS
part little originality in Christian thinking, great scholars and
theologians formed striking exceptions to the general condition.
The political power of the papacy became enormous, but was
hindered by the personal weakness and immorality of many of
the popes. The degraded moral and spiritual condition of the
Church was counteracted here and there by the establishment of
monastic orders, whose purpose at the beginning was good, by the
writings of certain mystics, and by the work of the three "pre-
reformers," Wyclif in England, Huss in Bohemia and Savonarola
in Italy.
A genuine advance, however, did not come until the Reformation
of the fifteenth century, when Luther in Germany and Zwingli in
Switzerland, almost at the same time and at first independently,
became the leaders in a mighty protest. A little later Calvin
carried out the principles of the Reformation in a comprehensive
theological system, and by the power of his intellect and the
fervency of his piety exerted an enormous influence throughout the
world. The Reformation was distinctly a religious movement,
though it had been prepared for by that revival of learning which
is called the Renaissance. The work of Luther was a rediscovery
of Paul. Not the performance of a set of external acts prescribed
by the Church, but, as Paul taught, the grace of God received by
faith alone, is, according to Luther, the means of salvation.
The Reformation brought about a counter-reformation in the
Roman Catholic Church, and the western European world was
finally divided between the two great branches of Christendom.
After a period of controversy and wars between Protestants and
Catholics, the Church was called upon to fight a great battle
against unbelief. That battle, begun in its modern form about the
middle of the eighteenth century, continues unabated until the
present day. We are living in a time of intellectual changes. To
maintain the truth of the gospel at such a time and to present it
faithfully and intelligently to the modern world is the supreme task of
the Church. The task to some extent has been accomplished ; and
the missionary movement of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
attests the vitality of the ancient faith. God has not deserted
his Church. There are enemies without and within, compromise
will surely bring disaster; but the gospel of Christ has not lost its
power. This is not the first time of discouragement in the history
of the Church. The darkest hour has always been followed by
the dawn. Who can tell what God has now in store?
Sen. t. ra. 4.
I'mi'ni Theol°9'cal Semmary-Speer Library
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